Skip to main content

Full text of "Joan of Arc"

See other formats








Cornell University Library 

DC 103.G72 

Joan of Arc, 


3 1924 028 161 150 

Date Due 

APR mirt^' 





NO. 23233 

V m 

Cornell University 

The original of this bool< is in 
the Cornell University Library. 

There are no known copyright restrictions in 
the United States on the use of the text. 



Lord Ronald Gower, f. s. a. 






/j, GOooGo 




I, \> \'\ 


My mother had what the French call a culte 
for the heroine whose life I have attempted to 
write in the following pages. 

It was but natural that one who loved and 
admired all that is good and beautiful and 
high-minded should have a strong feeling of 
admiration for the memory of Joan of Arc. On 
the pedestal of the bronze statue, which my 
mother placed in her house at Cliveden, are 
inscribed those words which sum up the life and 
career of the Maid of Orleans : — 

' La grattde pitie qu'il y avait au royauine de France.' 

Thinking that could my mother have read 

the following pages she would have approved 

the feeling which prompted me to write them, 

I inscribe this little book to her beloved 


R. G. 


November 2g. 


The authors whose works I have chiefly used 
in writing this Life of Joan of Arc, are — first, 
Quicherat, who was the first to pubHsh at 
length the Minutes of the two trials concerning 
the Maid — that of her trial at Rouen in 1430, 
and of her rehabilitation in 1456, and who 
unearthed so many chronicles relating to her 
times ; secondly, Wallon, whose Life of Joan 
of Arc is of all the fullest and most reliable ; 
thirdly, Fabre, who has within the last few 
years published several most important books 
respecting the life and death of Joan. Fabre 
was the first to make a translation in full of 
the two trials which Quicherat had first pub- 
lished in the original Latin text. 

Thinking references at the foot of the page 
a nuisance to the reader, these have been 

The subjects for the etched illustrations in 
this volume have been kindly supplied by my 
friend, Mr. Lee Latrobe Bateman, during a 
journey we made together to places connected 
with the story of the heroine. 

R. G. 

London, January, i8gj. 

















INDEX 323 

List of Illustrations 


TOUR COUDRAY— CHINON .... Frontispiece 

CHINON To face fage i6 








ST. OUEN— ROUEN ,,224 

Joan of Arc. 



IVTEVER perhaps in modern times had a 
■^ ^ country sunk so low as France, when, 
in the year 1420, the treaty of Troyes was 
signed. Henry V. of England had made him- 
self master of nearly the whole kingdom ; and 
although the treaty only conferred the title of 
Regent of France on the English sovereign 
during the lifetime of the imbecile Charles VI., 
Henry was assured in the near future of the full 
possession of the French throne, to the exclusion 
of the Dauphin. Henry received with the daugh- 
ter of Charles VI. the Duchy of Normandy, 
besides the places conquered by Edward III. 
and his famous son ; and of fourteen provinces 
left by Charles V. to his successor only three 
remained in the power of the French crown. 
The French Parliament assented to these hard 
conditions, and but one voice was raised in 
protest to the dismemberment of France ; that 
solitary voice, a voice crying in a wilderness, 
was that of Charles the Dauphin — afterwards 
Charles VII. Henry V. had fondly imagined that 



by the treaty of Troyes and his marriage with a 
French princess the war, which had lasted over 
a century between the two countries, would now 
cease, and that France would lie for ever at the 
foot of England. Indeed, up to Henry's death, 
at the end of August 1422, events seemed to 
justify such hopes ; but after a score of years 
from Henry's death France had recovered almost 
the whole of her lost territory. 

There is nothing in history more strange and 
yet more true than the story which has been told 
so often, but which never palls in its interest — that 
life of the maiden through whose instrumentality 
France regained her place among the nations. No 
poet's fancy has spun from out his imagination a 
more glorious tale, or pictured in glowing words 
an epic of heroic love and transcendent valour, to 
compete with the actual reality of the career of 
this simple village maiden of old France : she who, 
almost unassisted and alone, through her intense 
love of her native land and deep pity for xhe woes 
of her people, was enabled, when the day of action 
at length arrived, to triumph over unnumbered 
obstacles, and, in spite of all opposition, ridicule, 
and contumely, to fulfil her glorious mission. 

Sainte-Beuve has written that, in his opinion, 
the way to honour the history of Joan of Arc is to 
tell the truth about her as simply as possible. This 
has been my object in the following pages. 

On the border of Lorraine and Champagne, 
in the canton of the Barrois — between the 
rivers Marne and Meuse — extended, at the time 
of which we are writing, a vast forest, called the 


Der. By the side of a little streamlet, which took 
its source from the river Meuse, and dividing 
it east by west, stands the village of Domremy. 
The southern portion, confined within its banks 
and watered by its stream, contained a little for- 
talice, with a score of cottages grouped around. 
These were situated in the county of Champagne, 
under the suzerainty of the Count de Bar. 

The northern side of the village, containing the 
church, belonged to the Manor of Vaucouleurs. 
In this part of the village, in a cottage built 
between the church and the rivulet close by, Joan 
of Arc was born, on or about the 6th of January, 
141 2. The house which now exists on the site 
of her birthplace was built in 1481, but the little 
streamlet still takes its course at its foot. Michelet, 
in his account of the heroine, says the station in 
life of Joan's father was that of a labourer; later 
investigations have proved that he was what we 
should call a small farmer. In the course of the 
trial held for the rehabilitation of Joan of Arc's 
memory, which yields valuable and authentic infor- 
mation relating to her family as well as to her life 
and actions, it appears that the neighbours of the 
heroine deposed that her parents were well-to-do 
agriculturists, holding a small property besides this 
house at Domremy ; they held about twenty acres 
of land, twelve of which were arable, four meadow- 
land, and four for fuel. Besides this they had some 
two to three hundred francs kept safe in case of 
emergency, and the furniture goods and chattels 
of their modest home. The money thus kept 
in case of sudden trouble came in usefully when 


the family had to escape from the English to 
Neufchateau. All told, the fortune of the family 
of Joan attained an annual income of about two 
hundred pounds of our money, a not inconsider- 
able revenue at that time ; and with it they were 
enabled to raise a family in comfort, and to give 
alms and hospitality to the poor, and wandering 
friars and other needy wayfarers, then so common 
in the land. 

Two documents lately discovered prove Joan's 
father to have held a position of some importance 
at Domremy. In the one, dated 1423, he is styled 
'doyen' (senior inhabitant) of the village, which 
gave him rank next to the Mayor. In the other, 
four years later, he fills a post which tallies with 
what is called in Scotland the Procurator-fiscal. 

The name of the family was Arc, and much 
ink has been shed as to the origin of that name. 
By some it is derived from the village of d'Arc, 
in the Barrois, now in the department of the 
Haute Marne ; and this hypothesis is as good 
as any other. 

Jacques d'Arc had taken to wife one Isabeau 
Romee, from the village of Vouthon, near Dom- 
remy. Isabeau is said to have had some property 
in her native village. The family of Jacques 
d'Arc and Isabella or Isabeau consisted of five 
children: three sons, Jacquemin, Jean, and Pierre, 
and two daughters, the elder Catherine, the 
younger Jeanne, or Jennette, as she was generally 
called in her family, whose name was to go through 
the ages as one of the most glorious in any land. 

Well favoured by nature was the birthplace of 


Joan of Arc, with its woods of chestnut and of oak, 
then in their primeval abundance. The vine of 
Greux, which was famous all over the country-side 
as far back as the fourteenth century, grew on the 
southern slopes of the hills about Joan's birthplace. 
Beneath these vineyards the fields were thickly 
clothed with rye and oats, and the meadow-lands 
washed by the waters of the Meuse were fragrant 
with hay that had no rival in the country. It was 
in these rich fields that, after the hay-making was 
over, the peasants let out their cattle to graze, the 
number of each man's kine corresponding with the 
number of fields which he owned and which he 
had reaped. 

The little maid sometimes helped her father's 
labourers, and the idea has become general that 
Joan of Arc was a shepherdess ; in reality, it was 
only an occasional occupation, and probably under- 
taken by Joan out of mere good-nature, seeing that 
her parents were well-to-do people. All that we 
gather of Joan's early years proves her nature to 
have been a compound of love and goodness. 
Every trait recorded of the little maid's life at 
home which has come down to us reveals a 
mixture of amiability, unselfishness, and charity. 
From her earliest years she loved to help the 
weak and poor ; she was known, when there was 
no room for the weary wayfarer to pass the night 
in her parents' house, to give up her bed to 
them, and to sleep on the floor, by the hearth. 

She loved her mother tenderly, and in her trial 
she bore witness before men to the good influence 
that she had derived from that parent. Isabeau 


d'Arc appears to have been a devout woman, and 
to have brought up her children to love work 
and religion. Joan loved to sit by her mother's 
side for the hour together, spinning, and doubtless 
listening to the stories of wars with the here- 
ditary enemy. When she could be of use, Joan 
was ever ready to lend a hand to help her 
father or brothers in the rougher labours of 
coach-house, stable, or farmyard, to keep watch 
over the flocks as they browsed by the river-side 
along the meadow-lands. 

Joan had not the defect of so many excellent 
but tedious women, who love talk for the mere 
sake of talking : she seems to have been reserved ; 
but, as she proved later on, she was never at a loss 
for a word in season, and with a few words could 
speak volumes. From her childhood she showed 
an intense and ever-increasing devotion to things 
holy; her delight in prayer became almost a pas- 
sion. She never wearied of visiting the churches 
in and about her native village, and she passed 
many an hour in a kind of rapt trance before the 
crucifixes and saintly images in these churches. 
Every morning saw her at her accustomed place 
at the early celebration of her Lord's Sacrifice ; 
and if in the afternoon the evening bells sounded 
across the fields, she would kneel devoutly, and 
commune in her heart with her divine Master 
and adored saints. She loved above all things 
these evening bells, and, when it seemed to her 
the ringer grew negligent, would bribe him with 
some little gift — the worked wool from one of 
her sheep or some other trifle — to remind him 


in the future to be more instant in his office. 
That this little trait in Joan is true, we have the 
testimony of the bell-ringer himself to attest. 

This devotion to her religious duties had not 
the effect of making Joan less of a companion 
to her fellow-villagers. She could not have been 
so much beloved by them as she was had she held 
herself aloof from them : on the contrary, Joan 
enjoyed to play with the lads and village lasses ; 
and we hear of her swiftness of foot in the race, of 
her gracefulness in the village dance, either by the 
stream or around an old oak-tree in the forest, 
which was said to be the favourite haunt of the 

Often in the midst of these sports Joan would 
break away from her companions, and enter some 
church or chapel, where she placed garlands of 
flowers around statues of her beloved saints. 

Thus passed away the early years of the 
maiden's gentle life, among her native fields, with 
nothing especially to distinguish her from her 
companions beyond her goodness and piety. A 
great change, however, was near at hand. The 
first of those mysterious and supernatural events 
which played so all-important a part in the life of 
our heroine occurred in the summer of 1425, when 
Joan was in her thirteenth year. In her trial at 
Rouen, on being asked by her judges what was the 
first manifestation of these visions, she answered 
that the first indication of what she always called 
'My voices' was that of St. Michel. It is not 
a little remarkable that this vision of St. Michel, 
the patron saint of the French army, should have 


taken place in the summer of 1425, at the time of 
a double defeat by land and sea of the enemy of 
France, and when the Holy Mount in Normandy, 
crowned by the chapel guarded by St. Michel, 
was once again in the hands of the French. At 
the same time, Joan of Arc experienced some of 
the hardships of war when the country around 
Domremy was overrun by the enemy ; and the 
little household of the Arcs had to fly for shelter 
to the neighbouring village of Chateauneuf, in 

I will pass somewhat rapidly over the visions, 
or rather revelations — for, whatever doubts one may 
hold as to such heavenly messengers appearing 
literally on this earth, no man can honestly doubt 
that Joan believed as firmly in these unearthly 
visitants coming from Heaven direct as she did in 
the existence of herself or of her parents. On 
the subject of these voices and visions no one 
has written with more sense than a distinguished 
prelate who was a contemporary of the heroine's 
— namely, Thomas Basin, Bishop of Lisieux, who, 
in a work relating to Joan of Arc, writes thus : — 

' As regards her mission, and as regards the 
apparitions and revelations that she affirmed 
having had, we leave to every one the liberty to 
believe as he pleases, to reject or to hold, ac- 
cording to his point of view or way of thinking. 
What is important regarding these visions is the 
fact that Joan had herself no shadow of a doubt 
regarding their reality, and it was their effect upoQ 
her, and not her natural inclination, which impelled 
her to leave her parents and her home to under- 


take great perils and to endure great hardships, 
and, as it proved, a terrible death. It was these 
visions and voices, and they alone, which made 
her believe that she would succeed, if she obeyed 
them, in saving her country and in replacing her 
king on his throne. It was these visions and 
voices which finally enabled her to do those 
marvellous deeds, and accomplish what appeared 
to all the world the impossible ; these voices and 
visions will ever be connected with Joan of Arc, 
and with her deathless fame and glory.' 

From the year 1425 till 1428, the apparitions 
and voices were heard and seen more or less 

It is the year 1427 : all that remains to 
Charles of his kingdom north of the Loire, with 
the exception of Tournay, are a pitiful half-dozen 
places. Among these is Vaucouleurs, near Dom- 
remy. They are defended by a body of men 
under the command of a knight, Robert de Baud- 
ricourt, who is about to play an important part in 
the history of Joan. 

In one of her visions the maid was told to seek 
this knight, that through his help she might be 
brought to the French Court ; for the voices had 
told her she might find the King and tell him her 
message, by which she should deliver the land 
from the English, and restore him to his throne. 
There had not been wanting legends and pro- 
phecies upon the country-side which may have 
impressed Joan, and helped her to believe that 
it was her mission to deliver France. One of 
the prophecies was to the effect that a maiden 


from the borders of Lorraine should save France, 
that this maiden would appear from a place near 
an oak forest. This seemed to point directly to 
our heroine. The old oak-tree haunted by the 
fairies, the neighbouring country of Lorraine, 
were all in help of the tradition. Since the be- 
trayal of her husband's country by the wife of 
Charles VI., another saying had been spread 
abroad throughout all that remained of that 
small portion of France still held by the French 
King — namely, that although. France would be 
lost by a woman, a maiden should save it. Any 
hope to the people in those distressful days was 
eagerly seized on ; and although the first pro- 
phecy dated from the mythical times of Merlin, 
it stirred the people, especially when, later on, 
Joan of Arc appeared among them, and her 
story became known. 

These prophecies appear to have struck deeply 
into Joan's soul ; they, and her voices aiding, 
made her believe she was the maiden by whom 
her country would be delivered from the presence 
of the enemy. But how was she to make her 
parents understand that it was their child who 
was appointed by Heaven to fulfil this great 
deliverance ? Her father seems to have been 
a somewhat harsh, at any rate a practical, 
parent. When told of her intention to join the 
army, he said he would rather throw her into the 
river than allow her to do so. An attempt was 
made by her parents to induce her to marry. 
They tried their best, but Joan would none of 
it; and bringing the case before the lawyers at 


Toul, where she proved that she had never 
thought of marrying a youth whom her parents 
required her to wed, she gained her cause and 
her freedom. 

In order to take the first step in her mission, 
Joan feh it necessary to rely on some one outside 
her immediate family. A distant relation of her 
mother's, one Durand Laxart, who with his wife 
lived in a litde village then named Burey-le-Petit 
{now called Burey-en-Vaux), near Vaucouleurs, 
was the relation in whose care she placed her 
fate. With him and his wife Joan remained eight 
days ; and it might have been then that the plan 
was arranged to hold an interview with Baudri- 
court at Vaucouleurs, in order to see whether 
that knight would interest himself in Joan's 

The interview took place about the middle of 
the month of May {1428), and nothing could have 
been less propitious. A soldier named Bertrand 
de Poulangy, who was one of the garrison of 
Vaucouleurs, was an eye-witness of the meeting. 
He accompanied Joan of Arc later on to Chinon, 
and left a record of the almost brutal manner 
with which Baudricourt received the Maid. From 
this soldier's narrative we possess one of the rare 
glimpses which have come down to us of the 
appearance of the heroine : not indeed a descrip- 
tion of what would be of such intense interest as 
to make known to us the appearance and features 
of her face ; but he describes her dress, which 
was that then worn by the better-to-do agricul- 
tural class of Lorraine peasant women, made of 


rough red serge, the cap such as is still worn 
by the peasantry of her native place. 

It is much to be regretted that no portrait of 
Joan of Arc exists either in sculpture or painting. 
A life-size bronze statue which portrayed the Maid 
kneeling on one side of a crucifix, with Charles 
VII. opposite, forming part of a group near the 
old bridge of Orleans, was destroyed by the 
Huguenots ; and all the portraits' of Joan painted 
in oils are spurious. None are earlier than the 
sixteenth century, and all are mere imaginary 
daubs. In most of these Joan figures in a hat 
and feathers, of the style worn in the Court of 
Francis I. From various contemporary notices, 
it appears that her hair was dark in colour, as in 
Bastien Lepage's celebrated picture, which sup- 
plies as good an idea of what Joan may have 
been as any pictured representation of her form 
and face. Would that the frescoes which Mon- 
taigne describes as being painted on the front of 
the house upon the site of which Joan was born 
could have come down to us. They might have 
given some conception of her appearance. Mon- 
taigne saw those frescoes on his way to Italy, and 
says that all the front of the house was painted 
with representations of her deeds, but even in his 
day they were much injured. 

When Joan at length stood before the knight 
of Vaucouleurs, she told him boldly that she had 
come to him by God's command, and that she 
was destined to give the King victory over the 
English. She even said that she was assured 
that early in the following March this would be 


accomplished, and that the Dauphin would then 
be crowned at Rheims, for all these things had 
been promised to her through her Lord. 

'And who is he?' asked de Baudricourt. 

' He is the King of Heaven,' she answered. 

The knight treated Joan's words with deri- 
sion, and Joan herself with insults ; and thus 
ended the first of their interviews. 

It was only in the season of Lent of the next 
year {March 1427) that Joan again sought the 
aid of de Baudricourt. On the plea of attending 
her cousin Laxart's wife's confinement, Joan re- 
turned to Burey-le-Petit. She left Domremy 
without bidding her parents farewell ; but it has 
been recorded by one of her friends, named 
Mengeth, a neighbour of the d'Arcs, that she 
told this woman of her intention of going to 
Vaucouleurs, and recommended her to God's 
keeping, as if she felt that she would not see 
her again. At Burey-le-Petit Joan remained 
between the end of January until her departure 
for Chinon, on the 23rd of February ; and be- 
fore taking final leave she asked and received 
her parents' pardon for her abrupt departure 
from them. 

While with the Laxarts, news reached Vau- 
couleurs that the English had commenced the 
siege of Orleans. This intelligence brought 
matters to a crisis, for with the loss of Orleans 
the whole of what remained to the French King 
must fall into the hands of the enemy, and 
France felt her last hour of independence had 


Joan determined on again seeking an interview 
with Robert de Baudricourt, and this second meet- 
ing between her and the knight, which took place 
six months after the first, had far happier results. 
As M. Simeon Luce has pointed out in his history 
of ' Jeanne d'Arc at Domremy,' the situation both 
of Charles VI. and of the knight of Vaucouleurs 
was far different in 1429 to what it had been when 
Joan first saw de Baudricourt at Vaucouleurs in 
the previous year. The most important strong- 
hold held by the French in their ever-lessening 
territory was in utmost danger of falling into the 
grasp of the English ; while de Baudricourt was 
anxiously waiting to hear whether his protector, 
the Due de Bar, whom Bedford had summoned to 
enter into a treaty with the English, would not 
be prevailed upon to do so. If he consented, 
this would make the knight's tenure of Vau- 
couleurs impracticable. It was probably owing 
to this state of affairs that, on her second inter- 
view with the knight of Vaucouleurs, Joan of 
Arc was favourably received by him. Since the 
first visit to de Baudricourt by the Maid of Dom- 
remy, her name had become familiar to many of 
the people in and about Vaucouleurs. An offi- 
cer named Jean de Metz has left some record of 
his meeting at this time with Joan ; for he was 
afterwards examined among other witnesses at 
the time of the Maid's rehabilitation in 1456. De 
Metz describes the Maid as being clothed in a 
dress of coarse red serge, the same as she wore 
on her first visit to Vaucouleurs. When he ques- 
tioned her as to what she expected to gain by 


coming again to Vaucouleurs, she answered that 
she had returned to induce Robert de Baudricourt 
to conduct her to the King ; but that on her first 
visit he was deaf to her entreaties and prayers. 
But, she added, she was still determined to appear 
before Charles, even if she had to gfo to him all 
the way on her knees. 

' For I alone,' she added, 'and no other person, 
whether he be King, or Duke, or daughter of the 
King of Scots ' (alluding to the future wife of 
Charles VII. 's son, Louis XI. — Margaret of Scot- 
land) 'can recover the kingdom of France.' 

As far as her own wishes were concerned, she 
said she would prefer to return to her home, and 
to spin again by the side of her beloved mother ; 
for, she added : ' I am not made to follow the 
career of a soldier ; but I must go and carry out 
this my calling, for my Lord has appointed me to 
do so.' 

' And who,' asked de Metz, ' is your Lord } ' 

' My Lord, ' answered the Maid, ' is God 
H imself ' 

The enthusiasm of Joan seems to have at once 
gained the soldier's heart. He took her by the 
hand, and swore that God willing he would accom- 
pany her to the King. When asked how soon 
she would be ready to start, she said that she was 
ready. ' Better to-day than to-morrow, and better 
to-morrow than later on.' 

During her second visit to Vaucouleurs, Joan 
remained with the same friends as on her former 
visit ; they appear to have been an honest couple, 
of the name of Le Royer. One day while Joan 


was helping in the domestic work of her hosts, and 
seated by the side of Catherine Le Royer, Robert 
de Baudricourt suddenly entered the room, accom- 
panied by a priest, one Jean Fournier, in full 
canonicals. It appeared that the knight had con- 
ceived the brilliant idea of finding out, through 
the assistance of the holy man, whether Joan was 
under the influence of good or evil spirits, before 
allowing her to go to the King's Court. 

As may be imagined, Joan received the priest 
with all respect, kneeling before him ; and the 
good father was soon able to reassure de Baudri- 
court that the evil spirits had no part or parcel in 
the heart of the maid who received him with so 
much humility. 

For three weeks Joan was left in suspense at 
Vaucouleurs, and probably it was not until a mes- 
senger had been sent to Chinon and had returned 
with a favourable answer, that at length de Baudri- 
court gave a somewhat unwilling consent to Joan's 
leaving Vaucouleurs on her mission to Chinon. 
During those weary weeks of anxious waiting, 
Joan's hostess bore witness in after days to the 
manner in which the time was passed : of how she 
would help Catherine in her spinning and other 
homely work, but, as when at home, her chief 
delight was to attend the Church services, and she 
would often remain to confession, after the early 
communion in the church. The chapel in which 
she worshipped was not the parochial church of 
Vaucouleurs, but was attached to the castle, and it 
still exists. In that castle chapel, and in a sub- 
terranean crypt beneath the Collegiate Church of 



Notre Dame de Vaucouleurs, Joan passed much 
of her time. Seven and twenty years after these 
events, one Jean le Fumeux, at that time a chor- 
ister of the chapel, a lad of eleven, bore witness, at 
the trial in which the memory of Joan was vin- 
dicated, to having often seen her kneeling before 
an image of the Virgin. This image, a battered 
and rude one, still exists. Nothing less artistic can 
be imagined ; but no one, be his religious views 
what they may, be his abhorrence of Mariolatry as 
strong as that of a Calvinist, if he have a grain of 
sympathy in his nature for what is glorious in 
patriotism and sublime in devotion, can look on 
that battered and broken figure without a feeling 
deeper than one of ordinary curiosity. 

A short time before leaving Vaucouleurs, Joan 
made a visit into Lorraine — a visit which proved 
how early her fame had spread abroad. The then 
reigning Duke of that province, Charles II. of 
Lorraine, an aged and superstitious prince, had 
heard of the mystic Maid of Domremy, and he 
had expressed his wish to see her, probably think- 
ing that she might afford him relief from the 
infirmities from which he suffered. Whatever 
the reason may have been, he sent her an urgent 
request to visit him, a message with which Joan 
at once complied. 

Accompanied by Jean de Metz, Joan went to 
Toul, and thence with her cousin, Durand Laxart, 
she proceeded to Nancy. Little is known of her 
deeds while there. She visited Duke Charles, and 
gave him some advice as to how he should regain 
his character more than his health, over which she 



said she had no control. The old Duke appears 
to have been rather a reprobate, but whether he 
profited by Joan's advice does not appear. 

Possibly this rather vague visit of the Maid's 
to Nancy was undertaken as a kind of test as to 
how she would comport herself among dukes and 
princes. That she showed most perfect modesty 
of bearing under somewhat difficult circumstances 
seems to have struck those who were with her at 
Nancy. She also showed practical sagacity ; for 
she advised Duke Charles to give active sup- 
port to the French King, and persuaded him 
to allow his son-in-law, young Rene of Anjou, 
Duke of Bar, to enter the ranks of the King's 
army, and even to allow him to accompany her to 
the Court at Chinon. By this she bound the 
more than lukewarm Duke of Lorraine to exert 
all his influence on the side of King- Charles. 

Before leaving Nancy on her return to Vau- 
couleurs, Joan visited a famous shrine, not far 
from the capital, dedicated to St. Nicolas, after 
which she hastened back to Vaucouleurs to make 
ready for an immediate start for Chinon. 

Joan's equipment for her journey to Chinon was 
subscribed for by the people of Vaucouleurs ; for 
among the common folk there, as wherever she 
was known, her popularity was great. She seems 
to have won in every instance the hearts of the 
good simple peasantry, the poorer classes in gen- 
eral, called by a saintly King of France the ' com- 
mon people of our Lord,' who believed in her 
long before others of the higher classes and the 
patricians were persuaded to put any faith in her. 


To the peasantry Joan was already the maiden 
pointed out in the old prophecy then known all 
over France, which said that the country would be 
first lost by a woman and then recovered by a 
maiden hailing from Lorraine. The former was 
believed to be the Queen-mother, who had sided 
with the English; Joan, the Maid out of Lorraine 
who should save France, and by whose arm the 
English would be driven out of the country. 

Clad in a semi-male attire, composed of a tight- 
fitting doublet of dark cloth and tunic reaching to 
the knees, high leggings and spurred boots, with 
a black cap on her head, and a hauberk, the Maid 
was armed with lance and sword, the latter the 
gift of de Baudricourt. Her good friends of Vau- 
couleurs had also subscribed for a horse. Thus 
completely equipped, she prepared for war, ready 
for her eventful voyage. Her escort consisted of 
a knight named Colet de Vienne, accompanied by 
his squire, one Richard I'Archer, two men-at-arms 
from Vaucouleurs, and the two knights Bertrand 
de Poulangy and Jean de Metz — eight men in 
all, well armed and well mounted, and thoroughly 
prepared to defend their charge should the occasion 
arise. Nor were precautions and means of repel- 
ling an attack unnecessary, for at this time the 
country around Vaucouleurs was infested by rov- 
ing bands of soldiers belonging to the Anglo- 
Burgundian party. Especially dangerous was that 
stretch of country lying between Vaucouleurs and 
Joinville, the first of the many stages on the way 
to Chinon. Although the knights and men of the 
small expedition were not without apprehension. 


Joan seems to have shown no sign of fear : calm 
and cheerful, she said that, being under the protec- 
tion of Heaven, they had nothing to fear, for that 
no evil could befall her. 

There still exists the narrow gate of the old 
castle of Vaucouleurs through which that little 
band rode out into the night ; hard by is the small 
subterranean chapel, now under repair, where Joan 
had passed so many hours of her weary weeks 
of waiting at Vaucouleurs. The old gate is still 
called the French Gate, as it was in the days of 
the Maid. 

It was the evening of the 23rd of February, 
1429, that the little band rode away into the open 
country on their perilous journey. Joan, besides 
adopting a military attire, had trimmed her dark 
hair close, as it was then the fashion of knights to 
do — cut round above the ears. Even this harm- 
less act was later brought as an accusation against 
her. Joan was then in her seventeenth year, and, 
although nothing but tradition has reached us of 
her looks and outward form, it is not difficult to 
imagine her as she rides out of that old gate, a 
comely maid, with a frank, brave countenance, lit 
up by the flame of an intense enthusiasm for her 
country and people. There can be no doubt that 
by her companions in arms — rough soldiers though 
most of them were — she was held in veneration ; 
they bore testimony to their feelings by a kind of 
adoration for one who seemed indeed to them 
more than mortal. Wherever Joan appeared, 
this feeling of veneration spread rapidly through 
the length and breadth of the land ; and the 


vAmiiij m xaaaTe 


people were wont to speak of the future saviour 
of France, not by the name of Joan the Maid, 
or Joan of Arc, but as the Angelic One — ' I'An- 

Among the crowd who gathered to see Joan 
depart was de Baudricourt, who then made 
amends for his rudeness and churlish behaviour 
on her first visit by presenting her with his 
own sword, and bidding her heartily god-speed. 
' Advienne que pourraf was his parting salute. 

The journey between Vaucouleurs and Chinon 
occupied eleven days. Not only was the danger 
of attack from the English and Burgundian soldiers 
a great and a constant one, but the winter, which 
had been exceptionally wet, had flooded all the 
rivers. Five of these had to be crossed — namely, 
the Marne, the Aube, the Seine, the Yonne, and 
the Loire: and most of the bridges and fords of 
these rivers were strictly guarded by the enemy. 
The little band, for greater security, mostly tra- 
velled during the night. Their first halt was made 
at the Monastery of Saint-Urbain-les-Joinville. 
The Celibat of this monastery was named Arnoult 
d'Aunoy, and was a relative of de Baudricourt. 
After leaving that shelter they had to camp out 
in the open country. 

Joan's chief anxiety was that she might be able 
to attend Mass every day. ' If we are able to 
attend the service of the Church, all will be well,' 
she said to her escort. The soldiers only twice 
allowed her the opportunity of doing so, on one 
occasion in the principal church of the town of 


They crossed the Loire at Gien ; and at that 
place, in the church dedicated to one of Joan's 
special saints — St. Catherine, for whom she held 
a personal adoration — she thrice attended Mass. 

When the litde band entered Touraine, they 
were out of danger, and here the news of the 
approach of the Maid spread like wildfire over 
the country-side. Even the besieged burghers of 
Orleans learned that the time of their delivery 
from the English was at hand. 

Perhaps it was when passing through Fierbois 
that Joan may have been told of the existence in 
its church of the sword which so conspicuously 
figured in her later story, and was believed to 
have been miraculously revealed to her. 

A letter was despatched from Fierbois to 
Charles at Chinon, announcing the Maid's ap- 
proach, and craving an audience. At length, on 
the 6th of March, Joan of Arc arrived beneath 
the long stretch of castle walls of the splendid 
old Castle of Chinon. 

That imposing ruin on the banks of the river 
Vienne is even in its present abandoned state one 
of the grandest piles of mediaeval building in the 
whole of France. Crowning the rich vale of Tour- 
aine, with the river winding below, and reflecting 
its castle towers in the still water, this time-hon- 
oured home of our Plantagenet kings has been not 
inaptly compared to Windsor. Beneath the castle 
walls and the river, nestles the quaint old town, in 
which are mediaeval houses once inhabited by the 
court and followers of the French and Eno-lish 


When Joan arrived at Chinon, Charles's affairs 
were in a very perilous state. The yet uncrowned 
King of France regarded the chances of being able 
to hold his own in France as highly problematical. 
He had doubts as to his legitimacy. Financially, 
so low were his affairs that even the turnspits in 
the palace were clamouring for their unpaid wages. 
The unfortunate monarch had already sold his 
jewels and precious trinkets. Even his clothes 
showed signs of poverty and patching, and to 
such a state of penury was he reduced that his 
bootmaker, finding that the King was unable to 
pay him the price of a new pair of boots, and not 
trusting the royal credit, refused to leave the new 
boots, and Charles had to wear out his old shoe- 
leather. All that remained in the way of money 
in the royal chest consisted of four gold '6cus.' 
To such a pitch of distress had the poor King, 
who was contemptuously called by the English 
the King of Bourges, sunken. 

Now that Orleans was in daily peril of falling 
into the hands of the English, and with Paris and 
Rouen in their hold, the wretched sovereign had 
serious thoughts of leaving his ever-narrowing 
territory and taking refuge either in Spain or in 
Scotland. Up to this time in his life Charles had 
shown little strength of character. His existence 
was passed among a set of idle courtiers. He 
had placed himself and his broken fortunes in 
the hands of the ambitious La Tremoille, whose 
object it was that the King should be a mere 
cipher in his hands, and who lulled him into a 
false security by encouraging him to continue a 


listless career of self-indulgence in his various 
palaces and pleasure castles on the banks of the 
Loire. Charles had, indeed, become a mere tool 
in the hands of this powerful minister. The his- 
torian Quicherat has summed up George de la 
Tremo'ille's character as an avaricious courtier, 
false and despotic, with sufficient talent to make 
a name and a fortune by being a traitor to every 
side. That such a man did not see Joan of Arc's 
arrival with a favourable eye is not a matter of 
surprise, and La Tremoille seems early to have 
done his utmost to undermine the Maid's influence 
with his sovereign. From the day she arrived at 
Chinon, if not even before her arrival there — 
if we may trust one story — an ambush was ar- 
ranged by Tremoille to cut her off with her 
escort. That plot failed, but her capture at 
Compiegne may be indirectly traced to La Tre- 
mo'ille's machinations. 

Those who have visited Chinon will recall the 
ancient and picturesque street, named La Haute 
Rue Saint Maurice, which runs beneath and 
parallel with the castle walls and the Vienne. 
Local tradition pointed out till very recently, in 
this old street, the stone well on the side of which 
the Maid of Domremy placed her foot on her 
arrival in the town. This ancient well stone has 
recently been removed by the Municipality of 
Chinon, but fortunately the ' Margelle ' (to use 
the native term) has come into reverent hands, 
and the stone, with its deeply dented border, 
reminding one of the artistic wells in Venice, is 
religiously preserved. 


Of Chinon it has been said : 
Chynon, petit ville, 
Grande renom. 

Its renown dates back from the early days of our 
Plantagenets, when they lived in the old fortress 
above its dwellings: how Henry III. died of a 
broken heart, and the fame of Rabelais, will 
ever be associated with the ancient castle and 
town. Still, the deathless interest of Chinon is 
owing to the residence of the Maid of Domremy 
— as one has a better right to call her than of 
Orleans — in those early days of her short career, 
in its burgh and castle. In or near the street 
La Haute Rue Saint Maurice, hard by a square 
which now bears the name of the heroine, Joan 
of Arc arrived at noon on Sunday, the 6th of 

It would be interesting to know in which of 
the old gabled houses Joan resided during the two 
days before she was admitted to enter the castle. 
Local tradition reports that she dwelt with a good 
housewife {^chez ime bonne femme'). According 
to a contemporary plan of Chinon, dated 1430, 
a house which belonged to a family named La 
Barre was where she lodged ; and although the 
actual house of the La Barres cannot be identified, 
there are many houses in the street of Saint 
Maurice old enough to have witnessed the advent 
of the Maid on that memorable Sunday in the 
month of March 1430. Few French towns are 
so rich in the domestic architecture of the better 
kind dating from the early part of the fifteenth 
century as that of Chinon ; and now that Rouen, 


Orleans, and Poitiers have been so terribly mod- 
ernised, a journey to Chinon well repays the 
trouble. Little imagination is required to picture 
the street with its crowd of courtiers and Court 
hangers-on, upon their way to and from the 
castle above ; so mercifully have time and that 
far greater destroyer of things of yore dealt with 
this old thoroughfare. 

Two days elapsed before Joan was admitted 
to the presence of the King. A council had been 
summoned in the castle to determine whether 
the Maid should be received by the monarch. 
The testimony of the knights who had accom- 
panied the Maid from Vaucouleurs carried the 
day in her favour. 

While waiting to see the King, we have from 
Joan's own lips a description of how her time was 
passed. ' I was constantly at prayers in order 
that God should send the King a sign. I was 
lodging with a good woman when that sign was 
given him, and then I was summoned to the King.' 

The church in which she passed her time in 
prayer was doubtless that of Saint Maurice, close 
by the place at which she lodged. It owed its 
origin to Henry II. of England ; it is a rare and 
beautiful little building of good Norman archi- 
tecture, but much defaced by modern restoration. 
Its age is marked by the depth at which its pave- 
ment stands, the ground rising many feet above 
its present level. 

A reliable account of Joan of Arc's interview 
with King Charles has come down to us, as have 
so many other facts in her life's history, through 


the witnesses examined at the time of the hero- 
ine's rehabilitation. Foremost among these is 
the testimony of a priest named Pasquerel, who 
was soon to become Joan's ahnoner, and to 
accompany her in her warfare. He tells how, 
when Joan was on her road to enter the castle, 
a soldier used some coarse language as he saw 
the young Maid pass by — some rude remark 
which the fellow qualified with an oath. Turn- 
ing to him, the Maid rebuked him for blasphem- 
ing, and added that he had denied his God at 
the very moment in which he would be sum- 
moned before his Judge, for that within an hour 
he would appear before the heavenly throne. 
The soldier was drowned within the hour. At 
least such is the tale as told by Priest Pasquerel. 
The castle was shrouded in outer darkness, 
but brilliantly lit within, as Joan entered its 
gates. The King's Chamberlain, the Comte de 
Venddme, received the Maid at the entrance of 
the royal apartments, and ushered her into the 
great gallery, of which fragments still exist — 
a blasted fireplace, and sufficient remains of the 
original stone-work to prove that this hall was 
the principal apartment in the palace. Flam- 
beaux and torches glowed from the roof and 
from the sides of this hall, and here the Court 
had assembled, half amused, half serious, as to 
the arrival of the peasant girl, about whom there 
had been so much strange gossip stirring. Now 
the grass grows in wild luxuriance over the pave- 
ment, and the ivy clings to the old walls of that 
noble room, in which, perhaps, the most note- 


worthy of all recorded meetings between king and 
subject then took place. A score of torches held 
by pages lit the sides of the chamber. Before 
these were ranged the knights and ladies, the 
latter clothed in the fantastically rich costume of 
that time, with high erections on their heads, from 
which floated long festoons of cloth, and glittering 
with the emblems of their families on their storied 
robes. The King, in order to test the divina- 
tion of the Maid, had purposely clad himself in 
common garb, and had withdrawn himself behind 
his more brilliantly attired courtiers. 

Ascending the flight of eighteen steps which 
led into the hall, and following Vendome, Joan 
passed across the threshold of the hall, and, with- 
out a moment's hesitation singling out the King 
at the end of the gallery, walked to within a few 
paces of him, and falling on her knees before 
him — 'the length of a lance,' as one of the 
spectators recorded — said, ' God give you good 
life, noble King!' {'Dieu vous donne bonne vie, 
gentil Roi). 

'But,' said Charles, 'I am not the Kine. 
This,' pointing to one of his courtiers, 'is the 

Joan, however, was not to be hoodwinked, 
and, finding that in spite of his subterfuges he 
was known, Charles acknowledged his identity, 
and entered at once with Joan on the subject of 
her mission. 

It appears, from all the accounts which have 
come to us of this interview, that Charles was 
at first somewhat loth to take Joan and her 



mission seriously. He appears to have treated 
the Maid as a mere visionary ; but after an 
interview which the King gave her apart from 
the crowded gallery, when she is supposed to 
have revealed to him a secret known only to 
himself, his whole manner changed, and from 
that moment Joan exercised a strong influence 
over the man, all-vacillating as was his character. 
It has never been known what words actually 
passed in this private interview between the 
pair, but the subject probably was connected 
with a doubt that had long tortured the mind 
of the King — namely, whether he were legiti- 
mately the heir to the late King's throne. At 
any rate the impression Joan had produced on 
the King was, after that conversation, a favour- 
able one, and Charles commanded that, instead 
of returning to her lodging in the town, Joan 
should be lodged in the castle. 

The tower which she occupied still exists — 
one of the large circular towers on the third line 
of the fortifications. A gloomy-looking cryptal 
room on the ground floor was probably the one 
occupied by Joan. It goes by the name of Belier's 
Tower — a knight whose wife, Anne de Maille, 
bore a reputation for great goodness among the 
people of the Court. Close to Belier's Tower is a 
chapel within another part of the castle grounds, 
but the church which in those days stood hard by 
Joan's tower has long since disappeared — its site 
is now a mass of wild foliage. 

While Joan was at Chinon, there arrived, 
from his three years' imprisonment in England, 


the young Duke of Anjou. Of all those who 
were attached to the Court and related to the 
French sovereign, this young Prince was the 
most sympathetic to Joan of Arc. He seems 
to have fulfilled the character of some hero 
of romance more than any of the French 
princes of that time, and Joan at once found 
in him a chivalrous ally and a firm friend. 
That she admired him we cannot doubt, and 
she loved to call him her knight. 

Hurrying to Chinon, having heard of the 
Maid of Domremy's arrival, he found Joan with 
the Kincr. Her enthusiasm was contasfious with 

o o 

the young Prince, who declared how eagerly he 
would help her in her enterprise. 

' The more there are of the blood royal of 
France to help in our enterprise the better,' 
answered Joan. 

Many obstacles had still to be met before 
the King accorded liberty of action to the Maid. 
La Tremoille and others of his stamp threw 
all the difficulties they could suggest in the way 
of Joan of Arc's expedition to deliver Orleans : 
these men preferred their easy life at Chinon 
to the arbitrament of battle. In vain Joan 
sought the King and pressed him to come to a 
decision : one day he said he would consent to 
her progress, and the following he refused to 
give his consent. He listened to the Maid, but 
also to the courtiers, priests, and lawyers, and 
among so many counsellors he could come to 
no determination. 

Joan during these days trained herself to the 


vocation which her career compelled her to follow. 
We hear of her on one occasion surprising the 
King and the Court by the dexterity with which 
she rode and tilted with a lance. From the 
young Duke of Alengon she received the gift 
of a horse ; and the King carried out on a large 
scale what de Baudricourt had done on a small 
one, by making her a gift of arms and accoutre- 
ments. Before, however, deciding to entrust the 
fate of hostilities into the hands of the Maid, it 
was decided that the advice and counsel of the 
prelates assembled at Poitiers should be taken. 

It was in the Great Hall of that town that 
the French Parliament held its conferences. 
The moment was critical, for should the decision 
of these churchmen be favourable to Joan, then 
Charles could no longer have any scruples in 
making use of her abilities, and of profiting by 
her influence. 

It was, therefore, determined that Joan 
should be examined by the Parliament and 
clergy assembled at Poitiers. The King in 
person accompanied the Maid to the Parlia- 
ment. The majestic hall, which still calls forth 
the admiration of all travellers at Poitiers, is 
little changed in its appearance since the time 
of that memorable event. It is one of the 
noblest specimens of domestic architecture in 
France : its graceful pillars and arched roof, 
and immense fireplace, remain as they were 
in the early days of the fifteenth century. 

Of the proceedings of that examination un- 
fortunately no complete report exists. Within 


a tower connected with the Parliament Hall is 
still pointed out a little chamber, said to have 
been occupied by the Maid while undergoing 
this, the first of her judicial and clerical exam- 
inations. But later investigations point to her 
having been lodged in a house within the town 
belonging to the family of the Parliamentary 
Advocate-General, Maitre Jean Rabuteau. 

It must have been a solemn moment for Joan 
when summoned for the first time into the pre- 
sence of the Court of bishops, judges, and 
lawyers, whom Charles had gathered together 
to examine her on her visions and on her mis- 
sion. The orders had been sent out by the 
King and the Archbishop of Rheims ; Gerard 
Machot, the Bishop of Castres and the King's 
confessor ; Simon Bonnet, afterwards Bishop of 
Senlis ; and the Bishops of Macquelonne and 
of Poitiers. Among the lesser dignitaries of 
the Church was present a Dominican monk, 
named Sequier, whose account of the proceed- 
ings, and the notes kept by Gobert Thibault, 
an equerry of the King, are the only records of 
the examination extant. The scantiness of these 
accounts is all the more to be regretted, inas- 
much as Joan frequently referred to the ques- 
tions made to her, and her answers, at this trial 
at Poitiers, during her trial at Rouen ; and they 
would probably have thrown much light on the 
obscure passages of her early years, for at 
Poitiers she had not to guard against hostile 
inquisition, and, doubtless, gave her questioners 
a full and free record of her past life. 




The first conference between these prelates, 
lawyers, and Joan lasted two hours. At first 
they appeared to doubt the Maid, but her 
frank and straightforward answers to all the 
questions put her impressed them with the truth 
of her character. They were, according to the 
old chronicles, 'grandement ebahis comme une 
ce simple bergere jeune fille pouvait ainsi 

One of her examiners, Jean Lombard by 
name, a professor of theology from the Univer- 
sity of Paris, in asking Joan what had induced 
her to visit the King, was told she had been en- 
couraged so to do by 'her voices' — those voices 
which had taught her the great pity felt by 
her for the land of France ; that although at 
first she had hesitated to obey them, they be- 
came ever more urgent, and commanded her 
to go. 

'And, Joan,' then asked a doctor of theology 
named William Aymeri, 'why do you require 
soldiers, if you tell us that it is God's will that 
the Engflish shall be driven out of France? If 
that is the case, then there is no need of soldiers, 
for surely, if it be God's will that the enemy 
should fly the country, go they must ! ' 

To which Joan answered : ' The soldiers will 
do the fighting, and God will give the victory !' 

Sequier, whose account of the proceedings 
has come down to us, then asked Joan in what 
language the Saints addressed her. 

' In a better one than yours,' she answered. 

Now Brother Sequier, although a doctor of 



theology, had a strong and disagreeable accent 
which he had brought from his native town of 
Limoges, and, doubtless, the other clerks and 
priests tittered not a little at Joan's answer. 
Sequier appears to have been somewhat irri- 
tated, and sharply asked Joan whether she 
believed in God. 

'Better than you do,' was the reply; but 
Sequier, who is described as a ' bien aigre 
homme,' was not yet satisfied, and returned to 
the charge. Like the Pharisees, he wished for a 
sign, and he declared that he for one could not 
believe in the sacred mission of the Maid, did 
she not show them all a sign, nor without such 
a sign could he advise the King to place any 
one in peril, merely on the strength of Joan's 
declaration and word. 

To this Joan said that she had not come to 
Poitiers to show signs, but she added : — 

' Let me go to Orleans, and there you will 
be able to judge by the signs I shall show 
wherefore I have been sent on this mission. 
Let the force of soldiers with me be as small 
as you choose; but to Orleans I must go!' 

For three weeks did these conferences last. 
Nothing was neglected to discover every detail 
regarding Joan's life : of her childhood, of her 
family and her friends. And one of the Coun- 
cil visited Domremy to ferret out all the details 
that could be got at. Needless to say, all that 
he heard only redounded to the Maid's credit ; 
nothing transpired which was not honourable to 
the Maid's character and way of life, and in 


keeping with the testimony Jean de Metz and 
Poulangy had given the King at Chinon. 

One day she said to one of the Council, 
Pierre de Versailles, ' I believe you have come 
to put questions to me, and although I know 
not A or B, what I do know is that I am 
sent by the King of Heaven to raise the siege 
of Orleans, and to conduct the King to Rheims, 
in order that he shall be there anointed and 

On another occasion she addressed the fol- 
lowing words in a letter which John Erault took 
down from her dictation — to write she knew not 
— to the English commanders before Orleans : 
' In the name of the King of Heaven I com- 
mand you, Suffolk [spelt in the missive Suffort], 
Scales [Classidas], and Pole [La Poule], to return 
to England.' 

One sees by the above missive that the 
French spelling of English names was about as 
correct in the fifteenth as it is in the nineteenth 

What stirred the curiosity of Joan's examiners 
was to try and discover whether her reported 
visions and her voices were from Heaven or 
not. This was the crucial question over which 
these churchmen and lawyers puzzled their 
brains during those three weeks of the blithe 
spring-tide at Poitiers. How were they to 
arrive at a certain knowledge regarding those 
mystic portents ? All the armoury of theologi- 
cal knowledge accumulated by the doctors of the 
Church was made use of; but this availed less 

36 yOAN OF ARC. 

than the simple answers of Joan in bringing 
conviction to these puzzled pundits that her 
call was a heavenly one. When they produced 
piles of theological books and parchments, Joan 
simply said : ' God's books are to me more than 
all these.' 

When at length it was officially notified that 
the Parliament approved and sanctioned the mis- 
sion of the Maid, and that nothing against her 
had appeared which could in any way detract 
from the faith she professed to follow out her 
mission of deliverance, the rejoicing in the good 
town of Poitiers was extreme. The glad news 
spread rapidly over the country, and fluttered 
the hearts of the besieged within the walls of 
Orleans. The cry was, ' When will the angelic 
one arrive ? ' The brave Dunois — Bastard of 
Orleans — in command of the French in that 
city, had ere this sent two knights, Villars and 
Jamet de Tilloy, to hear all details about the 
Maid, whose advent was so eagerly looked for- 
ward to. These messengers of Dunois had 
seen and spoken with Joan, and on their re- 
turn to Orleans Dunois allowed them to tell 
the citizens their impressions of the Maid. 
Those people at Orleans were now as enthusi- 
astic about the deliverance as the inhabitants 
at Poitiers, who had seen her daily for three 
weeks in their midst. All who had been ad- 
mitted to her presence left her with tears of 
joy and devotion ; her simple and modest be- 
haviour, blended with her splendid enthusiasm, 
won every heart. Her manner and modesty, 



and the gay brightness of her answers, had also 
won the suffrage of the priests and lawyers, and 
the military were as much delighted as surprised 
at her good sense when the talk fell on subjects 
relating to their trade. 

It was on or about the 20th of April 1429 
that Joan of Arc left Poitiers and proceeded to 
Tours. The King had now appointed a mili- 
tary establishment to accompany her ; and her 
two younger brothers, John and Peter, had 
joined her. The faithful John de Metz and 
Bertrand de Poulangy were also at her side. 
The King had selected as her esquire John 
d'Aulon ; besides this she was followed by two 
noble pages, Louis de Contes and Raimond. 
There were also some men-at-arms and a 
couple of heralds. A priest accompanied the 
little band. Brother John Pasquerel, who was 
also Joan's almoner. The King had further- 
more made Joan a gift of a complete suit of 
armour, and the royal purse had armed her 

During her stay at Poitiers Joan prepared 
her standard, on which were emblazoned the 
lilies of France, in gold on a white ground. 
On one side of the standard was a painting re- 
presenting the Almighty seated in the heavens, 
in one hand bearing a globe, flanked by two 
kneeling angels, each holding a fleur-de-lis. Be- 
sides this standard, which Joan greatly prized, 
she had had a smaller banner made, with the 
Annunciation painted on it. This standard was 
triangular in form ; and, in addition to those 


mentioned, she had a banneret on which was re- 
presented the Crucifixion. These three flags or 
pennons were all symbolic of the Maid's mission : 
the large one was to be used on the field of battle 
and for general command ; the smaller, to rally, in 
case of need, her followers around her; and pro- 
bably she herself bore one of the smaller pennons. 
The names 'Jesu' and 'Maria' were inscribed in 
large golden letters on all the flags. 

The national royal standard of France till 
this period had been a dark blue, and it is not 
unlikely that the awe and veneration which these 
white flags of the Maid, with their sacred pictures 
on them, was the reason of the later French kings 
adopting the white ground as their characteristic 
colour on military banners. 

Joan never made use of her sword, and bore 
one of the smaller banners into the fight. She 
declared she would never use her sword, although 
she attached a deep importance to it. 

' My banner,' she declared, ' I love forty 
times as much as my sword ! ' 

And yet the sword which she obtained from 
the altar at Fierbois was in her eyes a sacred 



TT will be now necessary to go back in our 
-*- story to the commencement of the siege by 
the English of the town of Orleans, in order to 
understand the work which Joan of Arc had pro- 
mised to accomplish. Orleans was the place of 
the utmost importance ; not merely as being the 
second city in France, but as forming the ' tete 
du pont ' for the passage of the river Loire. The 
French knew that were it to fall into the hands 
of the English the whole of France would soon 
become subject to the enemy. 

The town was strongly fortified ; huge towers 
of immense thickness, and three stories in height, 
surrounded by deep and wide moats, encircled the 
city. The only bridge then in existence was also 
strongly defended with towers, called ' Les Tour- 
nelles,' while at the end of the town side of the 
bridge were large 'bastilles,' powerful fortresses 
which dated from the year 141 7, when Henry V. 
threatened Orleans after his triumphal march 
through Normandy. In 142 1 the Orleanists de- 
fied the victor of Agincourt : again they were in 
the agony of a desperate defence against their in- 
vaders, ready to sustain all the horrors of a siege. 


Equally keen and determined were the Eng- 
lish leaders to take Orleans, which they rightly 
considered as the key of what remained uncon- 
quered to them in France. Both countries looked 
anxiously on as the siege progressed. Salisbury 
commanded the English ; he had been up to this 
point successful in taking all the places of im- 
portance in the neighbourhood of Orleans, and 
that portion of the valley of the Loire was 
commanded by his forces, both above and below 

On the approach of the enemy, the inhabi- 
tants of Orleans turned out to strengthen the 
outer fortifications, and to place cannon and cata- 
pults on the walls and ramparts. The priests 
on this occasion worked as hard as the other 
citizens, and even the women and children helped 
with a will. 

Besides Dunois, who commanded the besieged 
garrison, was Raoul de Gaucourt, who had de- 
fended Harfleur in 141 5 ; he had but recently 
returned from imprisonment in England, and 
was burning to avenge his captivity. La Hire, 
Xaintrailles, Coulant, Coaraze, and Armagnac 
were among the defenders of Orleans. Many 
Gascons belonging to the Marshal-Saint Severe 
and soldiers from Brittany helped to swell the 
forces of the besieged. 

It was on the 12th day of October (1428) 
that Salisbury crossed the Loire and established 
his besieging force at the village of Portereau, 
in front of the strongly defended bridge. In the 
meanwhile the besieged had razed the houses 


and the convent of St. Augustin, in order to 
prevent the enemy from entrenching themselves 
so near the city gates. Salisbury, however, 
threw up fortifications on the site of St. Augus- 
tin's, and placed a battery of guns opposite to 
the bridge and its 'bastilles,' whence he was 
able to bombard the town with huge stones. 
The English also placed mines below the bridge 
and the fortresses of the Tournelles. 

On the 2 1 St, an assault was made on the 
bridge and its defences, which was vigorously 
repulsed ; the whole population were in arms, 
and manned the walls ; the women fought by the 
side of their husbands and brothers. After a 
severe fight of four hours, the besiegers were 
forced to withdraw. 

The Tournelles were now mined and counter- 
mined, and were soon found to be untenable. 
The besieged then abandoned this fortification, 
and retired further back towards the centre of 
the bridge, which, as well as its approaches, was 
defended by towers. Part of the bridge on the 
side near the English was blown up, and a draw- 
bridee, which could be raised or lowered at 
pleasure, was thrown across the open space. 

Salisbury was satisfied with the result of that 
day's fighting, for he knew that, once he had the 
command of the northern side of the tower, he 
could take it when necessary from that quarter. 
What he aimed at for the present was to prevent 
all communication between the town and the 
south of France. Holding the bridge, he could 
prevent relief from coming to the city, and when 


the moment arrived he would be able to throw 
his men with certain success upon it from the 
northern side. 

The evening of the day in which he had 
made so successful an attack, Salisbury mounted 
into the Tournelles in order to inspect thence the 
city which lay beneath him. While gazing on it, a 
stray cannon shot struck him on the face ; he was 
carried, mortally wounded, from the place. That 
fatal shot was said to have been fired by a lad, 
who, finding a loaded cannon on the ramparts, 
had discharged it. For the English, it was the 
deadliest shot of the whole war. 

Readers of Shakespeare will remember that, 
in the first part of Henry VI., the Master Gunner 
(no doubt that very ' Maitre Jean ' whose fame 
was great in the besieged town) and his boy 
are introduced on the scene, and that the boy 
fires the shot which proved fatal both to Salis- 
bury and Sir Thomas Gargrave. The promi- 
nent place given to this French Master Gunner 
in the English play shows what a high reputa- 
tion Maitre Jean must have had, even among the 
English, at the siege. 

Salisbury's death, occurring a few days after he 
received the wound, caused the siege to languish. 
Glansdale succeeded Salisbury in the command ; 
but it was not until the doughty Talbot and Lord 
Scales appeared on the scene that siege operations 
recommenced with vigour. 

The great pounding match then began again ; 
the huge stone shot of the English, which weighed 
one hundred and sixty-four livres, came tumbling 


about the heads of the besieged, to which can- 
nonade the French promptly replied by a heavy 
fire. They had a kind of bomb, of which they 
were not a little proud, wherefrom they fired 
iron shot of one hundred and twenty livres in 
weight. The Master of Gunners of Shake- 
speare's play, whose name was John de Mons- 
teschere, made also extraordinary practice with 
his culverin ; and he could pick off marked men 
in the Tournelles, as, for the misfortune of the 
English, had been proved in the case of Salisbury. 
At times Master John would sham dead, and, 
just as the English were congratulating them- 
selves on his demise, would reappear, and again 
use his culverin with deadly effect. 

On the last day but one of the year (1428), 
the English had been reinforced, and were 
now commanded by William de la Pole, Earl, 
and afterwards Duke of Suffolk, under whose 
command acted Suffolk's brother, John de la 
Pole, Lord Scales, and Lancelot de Lisle. In 
order to maintain touch with his troops posted at 
the Tournelles, Suffolk threw up flanking batteries 
on the northern side of the town. To Suffolk's 
already large force Sir John Fastolfe brought a 
force of twelve hundred men, in the month of 
January (1429). 

The number of troops mustered by the be- 
sieged and besiegers was as follows : — 

On the side of the English, there were 
quartered at the Tournelles five hundred men, 
under the command of Glansdale ; three hundred 
under Talbot ; twelve hundred with Fastolfe. 


Including those who had come with Suffolk 
at the commencement of the siege, the English 
force amounted to four thousand five hundred 

On the side of the besieged, excluding the 
armed citizens, who were from three to four 
thousand strong, was a garrison numbering be- 
tween six and seven hundred men ; also some 
thousand soldiers had been thrown into the city 
between the middle of October 1428 and the 
January following. 

Both in strength of position, and as regards 
the number of their troops, the French had the 
advantage. The comparative weakness of the 
English force — which, all told, could only count 
about four thousand men to carry on the siege 
— is to be accounted for by the garrisons which 
were left in the conquered places over the north 
and south of the country. 

The siege was weakly conducted during the 
winter — a series of skirmishes from the bastilles 
or towers thrown up by the besiegers led to 
little result on either side ; and it was not till 
the month of February that a decisive engage- 
ment took place. 

Near Rouvray a battle was fought, which is 
known by the singular appellation of the Battle 
of the Herrings, from the circumstance that, at 
that Lenten season, a huge convoy of fish was 
being taken from the coast to Paris. In the 
fight, the fish-laden barrels were overthrown, 
and their contents scattered over the field ; 
whence the name of the Batde of the Herrings. 


During this engagement, in which the French 
were defeated, fell, on the side of the French, 
two noble Scots — John Stuart, the Constable of 
Scotland, and his brother William. 

After this action, the position of the besieged 
in Orleans became more perilous, and the citizens, 
despairing of help coming to them from Charles, 
were inclined to call in aid from the Duke of 
Burgundy. The east, north, and west of the 
city were covered by the bastilles or huge 
towers which the besiegers had thrown up, and 
from which they could bombard the place ; and 
the pressure on the devoted city waxed ever 
stronger. By the month of April, Orleans was 
girdled by a chain of fortresses, from which 
the cannonade was incessant. The English gave 
names of French towns to these huge towers 
which threatened Orleans on every side ; one 
they named Paris, another Rouen, and one other 
they called London. 

The thirty thousand men, women, and chil- 
dren within the city walls were now beginning 
to suffer from the horrors of a long siege. In 
the town disturbances broke out, and the cry of 
treachery was heard — that sure precursor of the 
fears of the strong that the hardships of the 
siege would undermine the patriotism of their 
weaker citizens. But when things seemed at 
their worst, succour was near at hand. 

During those winter months the Queen- 
mother, who had warmly interested herself in 
Joan of Arc's mission, had, in the Castle of 
Blois, been collecting troops and securing the 


services of some notable officers, including the 
Duke of Alen9on. Towards the end of April 
Joan arrived at Blois from Poitiers, accompanied 
by the Archbishop of Rheims, Regnault de 
Chartres. On the 27th of April she left Blois 
on her first warlike expedition. 

No certain account of the numbers of troops 
which accompanied the Maid has been kept. 
Monstrelet gives the numbers at seven thousand; 
but Joan, during her trial, asserted that she had 
between ten and twelve thousand men committed 
to her charge by the King. Joan's historian, 
M. Wallon, points out that this may be an in- 
correct entry made in the interest of the English 
at the trial, as they naturally would wish the re- 
lieving force to appear as large as possible. It 
has even been placed as low as three thousand. 
Among the officers who accompanied the Maid 
was a Gascon knight, named La Hire, half 
freebooter, half condottiere, a brave and reck- 
less soldier, of whom it is recorded that, before 
making a raid, he would offer up the following 
prayer : — 

' I pray my God to do for La Hire what La 
Hire would do for Him, if He were Captain and 
La Hire was God.' 

From having been a mighty swearer, owing 
to Joan of Arc's influence La Hire broke off 
this habit, but, in order to give him some scope 
for venting his temper, Joan allowed him to 
swear by his stick. 

These are but trivial details : still, they are 
of interest as showing what influence a simple 


village maiden like Joan was able to exert on 
those who, from their position and habits of life, 
might have been thought to be the last to tolerate 
such interference. So changed, it is said, had this 
rough warrior, La Hire, and many of his fellow- 
soldiers become in their habits while with the 
Maid, that they were happy to be able to kneel 
by the side of the sainted maiden and partake in 
her Lord's Sacrament of the Eucharist ; and then 
to confess themselves to her good father con- 
fessor, Peton de Xaintrailles, the Marshal de 
Boussac, and the Seigneur de Rais. 

Joan had the following letter despatched to 
the Duke of Bedford : — 

' In the name of Jesus and Mary — You, King 
of England ; and you, Duke of Bedford [Beth- 
fort], who call yourself Regent of France ; you, 
William de la Pole ; you. Earl of Suffolk ; you, 
John Lord Talbot [Thalebot] ; and you, Thomas 
Lord Scales, who call yourselves Lieutenants of 
the said Bedford, in the name of the King of 
Heaven, render the keys of all the good towns 
which you have taken and violated in France, 
to the Maid sent hither by the King of Heaven. 
She is ready to make peace if you will consent 
to return and to pay for what you have taken. 
And all of you, soldiers, and archers, and men-at- 
arms, now before Orleans, return to your country, 
in God's name. If this is not done. King of 
England, I, as a leader in war, whenever I shall 
meet with your people in France, will oblige 
them to go whether they be willing or not ; and 
if they go not, they will perish ; but if they will 


depart I will pardon them. I have come from 
the King of Heaven to drive you out \botiter\ 
of France. And do not imagine that you will 
ever permanently hold France, for the true heir, 
King Charles, shall possess it, for it is God's 
wish that it should belong to him. And this 
has been revealed to him by the Maid, who will 
enter Paris. If you will not obey, we shall make 
such a stir ^ferons tin si gros hakaye] as hath 
not happened these thousand years in France. 
The Maid and her soldiers will have the victory. 
Therefore the Maid is willing that you, Duke 
of Bedford, should not destroy yourself 

And Joan finishes this strange effusion by 
proposing to Bedford that they should combine 
in making a holy war for Christianity ! 

This letter, written 'in the name of the Maid,' 
was dated on a Tuesday in Holy Week. The 
address ran thus : ' To the Duke of Bedford, 
so called Regent of the Kingdom of France, or 
to his Lieutenants, now before the town of 

Doubtless the reference to the deed of arms 
which, once again at peace together, might be 
accomplished by the combined English and 
French armies, was an idea which seems to 
have floated in Joan's enthusiastic imagination, 
that the day might come when the two foremost 
nations in Christendom would fight together for 
the recovery of the Holy Sepulchre. 

As might be expected, this letter was received 
by the English with gibes and jeers, which was 
pardonable ; but what was not sO was the bad 



treatment of the messenger who had brought it 
'to the English camp. He was Icept prisoner, 
and, if some rather doubtful French writers of the 
day are to be believed, it was seriously debated 
whether or not he should be burnt. Let us 
trust this is but an invention of the enemy. 

Joan, before leaving Blois, insisted on the 
dismissal of all camp followers — such bad bag- 
gage was certainly well left behind, and could 
not have followed an army led by one who, 
night and morning, had an altar erected, around 
which her hallowed flags were placed, and 
where the Maid, and those willing, took the 
Sacrament at the head of the army. It must 
have been a striking sight during that spring- 
time — that army, led by a maiden all clad in 
white armour, and mounted on a black charger, 
surrounded by a brilliant band of knights, riding 
along the pleasant fields of Touraine, then in 
their first livery of brilliant green. And a strik- 
ing sight it must have been, when, at the close 
of the long day's march, the tents were pitched 
and the altar raised, the ofSciating priests grouped 
about it and the sacred pictured standards wav- 
ing above, while the solemn chant was raised, and 
the soldiers knelt around. 

One can well think how ready were those 
soldiers to follow Joan wherever she would lead 
them, and it is not improbable that such a 
crusade as she dreamt of, had it been possible, in 
which the two nations, so closely connected by 
religious feeling, and so closely united by posi- 
tion, but so long enemies owing to the rapacity 



and greed of their kings, might have again placed 
the cross on the battlements of the Holy City, 
under the leadership of her whom her country- 
men rightly called 'The Angelic' 

Joan rode out of Blois bearing her pennon 
in her hand, and as she rode she chanted the 
' Veni Creator! The sacred strain was taken up 
by those who followed, and thus passed the 
Maid forth on her first great deed of deliver- 

During the whole of the first night Joan re- 
mained, as was her custom when she had no 
women about her, in her armour. 

It was the Maid's wish to enter Orleans 
from the northern side, but the officers with 
her thought this would be a great imprudence, 
and followed the opposite bank of the river. 
Passing through Beaugency and Meung, they 
went on by Saint Die, Saint Laurent, and Clery, 
without meeting with any attack from the enemy 
who occupied these places. On arriving at a 
place called Olivet, they were within the neigh- 
bourhood of the beleaguered city. Below them 
rose the English bastille towers ; beyond, the 
walls, towers, and steeples of Orleans. 

Joan had hoped that the city could have been 
entered without further difficulty ; she now found 
that not only the river lay between her and the 
town, but that the English were in force on all 
sides. She wished that the nearest of these 
bastilles, at Saint Jean le Blanc, should be 
stormed, and the river forded there ; but this 
scheme was judged by her companions- in-arms 


to be too perilous, and Joan had again to comply 
with the opinion of the officers. 

Riding to the eastwards, and skirting the river 
some four miles below the town, she and her 
knights forded it at a spot where some low long 
islands, or 'eyots' as we call them on the Thames, 
lay in this part of the Loire. On one of these, 
called risle aux Bourdons, the provisions and 
stores for the beleaguered city were shipped and 
transhipped, and carried down to Orleans when 
the wind lay in that quarter. 

It was at Reuilly that Dunois met the Maid, 
still chafing from her thwarted plan of attacking 
the English in their stronghold at Saint Jean le 
Blanc, and she appears to have shown him her 
displeasure. While this interview took place 
the wind changed, and the provision boats, 
which, owing to the wind being contrary, had 
not been able to make the islands, were now 
enabled to leave the city. They soon arrived, 
were laden with provisions, corn, and even cattle 
embarked on them, and, when thus provisioned, 
returned to Orleans by the canal on the left bank 
of the Loire, and successfully arrived at the city 
end of the broken bridge, whence the provisions 
and live stock were passed into the town. 

The river was too much in flood to allow 
of the army being taken across, nor could a 
bridge of boats be made, owing to the height 
of the waters. Joan, however, was determined 
to enter Orleans, flood or no flood, for she 
knew what the moral effect of her appearing 
to the townspeople would be. Accompanied by 


Dunois, La Hire, and some two hundred lances, 
just after darkness had hidden her movements 
from the enemy, she left Reuilly and entered 
the city. 

Preceded by a great banner, the Maid of 
Orleans, as she may now be called, with Dunois 
by her side, and followed by her knights and 
men-at-arms, rode slowly through the streets, 
filled with a crowd almost delirious in its joy 
at welcoming within its walls its long-looked- 
for Deliverer. The people clung to her, kiss- 
ing her knees and feet, and, according to the 
old chroniclers, behaved as if God Himself had 
appeared among them. So eager was the throng 
to approach her, that in the press one of her 
standards was set on fire by a flambeau. After 
returning thanks for the delivery of her country- 
men in the cathedral, Joan was made welcome 
at the house of the treasurer of the imprisoned 
Duke of Orleans. This citizen's name was James 
Boucher ; and here she lodged, with her brothers, 
and the two faithful knights who had accom- 
panied her during her journey from Vaucou- 
leurs to Chinon. 

A vaulted room in this house is still shown, 
which purports to have been that occupied by 
the Maid of Orleans. If it is the same buildinsf 


it has been much modernised, although a beauti- 
ful specimen of the domestic Gothic of the early 
part of the fifteenth century, known as the house 
of Agnes Sorel, remains much in the condition 
that it must have been in during the famous year 
of deliverance, 1429. 


Although Orleans, by the action of Joan of 
' Arc, had been succoured for the time, the enemy 
was still at its gates, and Joan's mission was but 
half accomplished. The aspect of affairs since 
the 29th of April was, however, greatly changed 
in favour of the French, and the j'oies of be- 
sieged and besiegers changed. Joan's arrival 
had infused a fresh spirit of enthusiasm and 
patriotism into . the citizens, and the English 
were no longer feared. We have Dunois's 
authority for the fact that whereas, up to that 
time, two hundred English could put eight hun- 
dred French to the rout, now five hundred 
French soldiers were prepared to meet the 
entire English army. 

On the 13th of April, hostilities had recom- 
menced. Four hundred men, commanded by 
Florent d'llliers, made a sortie against the 
English near the trenches at Saint Pouair, driv- 
ing them into their quarters. But the success 
was not followed up, and appears to have been 
undertaken without Joan of Arc's advice. To the 
heralds that she sent into the English camp only 
jeers and taunts were returned ; and already 
the threat of burning her when caught was 
made use of Joan was, however, not to be 
deterred by menaces and insults from doing 
all she could to prevent unnecessary loss of 
life. On one occasion she rode out half-way 
across the bridge, to where there stood a cruci- 
fix called La Belle Croix, within speaking 
distance of the English in the Tournelles. 
Thence she summoned Glansdale and his men 


to surrender, promising that their lives should 
be spared. They answered with derisive shouts 
and villainous abuse. Still commanding her 
patience, which was only equalled by her courage, 
and before returning to the town, she told them 
that, in spite of their boasting, the time was 
near at hand when they would be driven forth, 
and that their leader would never see England 
again. That they feared the Maid was evident, 
in spite of the insults with which they greeted 
her ; at any rate, no attempt was made to attack 
her : even when almost alone, she came close to 
their fortifications. 

Meanwhile Dunois left for Blois to bring up 
the bulk of the army, while Joan remained in 
Orleans, encouraging its inhabitants by her confi- 
dence, faith, and courage. The people, writes the 
chronicler of the siege, were never sated with the 
sight of the Maid : ' ils ne pouvaient saouler de 
la voir,' he graphically says. 

A second ineffectual effort was made by Joan, 
this time at a place called the Croix Morin, to 
negotiate with the English, she again promis- 
ing them quarter if they would capitulate, but, 
as might be expected, with no better result 
than before. 

On the 2nd of May, followed by a vast 
throng, Joan of Arc rode out along the forts 
of the enemy, and after closely inspecting their 
defences returned to vespers at the Church of 
Sainte-Croix. Certainly among the people there 
was no want of belief in, and enthusiastic devo- 
tion to, the Maid ; but she had already enemies 


among the entourage of the King. We have 
already alluded to Tremoille's feelings with 
regard to her and her mission. A still more 
formidable enemy was the Chancellor of France, 
the Archbishop of Rheims, Regnault de Char- 
tres ; he and Tremoille worked in concert to 
undermine all the prestige which Joan's success 
in revictualling Orleans had caused at Court. 
The historian Quicherat, whose work on Joan 
of Arc is by far the most complete and reliable, 
considers this man to have been an astute poli- 
tician, without any moral strength or courage. 
When with Joan of Arc, he seems to have shown 
firmness and even enthusiasm in her mission, 
but he sank into the role of a poltroon when 
her influence was withdrawn. ■ Instead of hast- 
ening the despatch of the reinforcements from 
Blois to Orleans, he threw delay in the way ; 
he seems to have hesitated in letting these 
troops join those under the Maid, for fear that 
were she to gain a thorough success his in- 
fluence at Court would be weakened. When 
Joan fell into the hands of her foes, the Arch- 
bishop had the incredible baseness publicly to 
show his pleasure, declaring that her capture by 
the enemy was a proof of Divine justice. 

It was not till the 4th of May, and not 
until Dunois had ridden in hot haste from Blois, 
that at length the aid, so long and eagerly 
expected, arrived. 

Joan rode to meet the succouring army 
some two miles out of the city, bearing her 
flag, accompanied by La Hire and others of her 


knights. After a joyful meeting, they turned, 
riding right through the enemy's Hnes and 
along- the fortified bastilles occupied by the 
English. Whether it was fear, or superstition 
mixed with fear, not a man from the English 
side stirred, although the English outnumbered 
the French. It seemed that a terror had seized 
on the enemy as they saw her, whom they 
called the Sorceress, ride by in her white 
panoply, bearing aloft her mystic banner. 

The English had now run short of supplies, 
and eagerly awaited the arrival of Sir John Fas- 
tolfe, who was on his road to Orleans. Joan 
of Arc felt uneasy, lest she might not be able 
to cut off Fastolfe and his supplies, and she 
playfully threatened Dunois with his instant exe- 
cution if he failed to tell her of the moment 
he learnt of his approach. Her anxiety was 
well founded, for the attack commenced before 
she had been apprised of it. She had lain 
down for a short repose one afternoon, when 
she heard the sounds of a cannonade. She 
instantly ordered her squire d'Aulon to arm her, 
as she must immediately attack the English ; 
but whether those at the Tournelles, or the 
advancing force under Fastolfe, she could not 
yet tell. 

While arming, a great clamour rang through 
the town : the enemy were said to be at hand, 
and the battle already engaged. Hastily throw- 
ing on her armour, with the assistance of her 
hostess and d'Aulon, she dashed off on her 
horse, and had only time to snatch her flag, as 


it was handed to her from a window, so impetuous 
was she to enter the fray. 

As she galloped down the street the sparks 
flew from the stones, through the High Street 
and past the cathedral, and out by the Burgundy 
Gate. The action had already been raging, and 
the wounded were being borne back into the 
town. It was the first time the Maid came face 
to face with such grisly sights — the agony of the 
wounded, the blood and gaping wounds. Her 
squire, d'Aulon, who has left some record of 
that day, says how much she grieved over the 
wounded as they were carried past her ; her 
beloved countrymen bleeding and dying affected 
her deeply. As her page writes, she said she 
could not see French blood without her hair 
rising with horror at the sight. 

Before she reached the field the day had 
been lost and won, the English were in full 
retreat, and the battle now lay around the 
bastilles of Saint Loup. About a mile to the 
north-east of the town were the Englishmen ; 
strongly entrenched, the place commanded that 
portion of the river which Talbot had garrisoned 
^/^ *^ with some three hundred of his best troops. 
Joan now gave instructions that no aid should 
reach this portion of the English defences from 
the adjacent bastilles. All around the fight 
raged, and Joan was soon in the hottest of 
the engagement, encouraging her soldiers, her 
flag in her hand. Dismounting, she stood on 
the edge of the earthwork, beyond which the 
English were at bay. 


Talbot, seeing his men hard pressed, gave 
orders for a sortie to be made from one of 
the other towers, named Paris, and thus cause 
a diversion, while another force attacked the 
French in their rear. This expedient, however, 
failed, for a fresh force appeared at this juncture 
from Orleans, led by Boussac and De Graville, 
who beat back the attack of the English. The 
English troops within the fortress of Saint Loup 
were slain or taken. Joan herself rescued some 
of these, and placed them under her protec- 
tion ; caring for them in the house she was 
staying in. 

At the close of the day, on returning into 
the town, Joan told the people that they might 
count on being free from the enemy in five 
days' time, and that by that time not a single 
Englishman would remain before Orleans. No 
wonder that the joy-bells rang out in victorious 
clamour during all that night in May, the eve 
of the Ascension. 

On the following day no hostilities occurred. 
Joan again had a letter sent to the English, 
summoning them as before to surrender and to 
quit their forts ; she said this was the third 
and the last time that she could give them a 
chance of escaping with their lives. On this 
occasion she made use of a new way of com- 
municating with the foe ; she tied the letter to 
an arrow, which was discharged into the English 
lines. No answer was received in return. 

It was now determined that the next attack 
against the English should be made from the 


left bank of the river, where they were strongly 
fortified at the Bastille des Augustins, a little 
further down the Loire than the Tournelles. On 
the opposite side this fortress communicated with 
the Boulevard of Saint Prive, as well as with 
the strong fortress of Saint Laurent, near which 
a small island, which exists no longer, called the 
Isle of Charlemagne, kept open their connections 
on both sides of the Loire. To the east, on 
the same side of the river, a fortress, that of 
Saint Jean le Blanc, which had been abandoned 
on the approach of Joan, had since been re- 
occupied by the English. It was at this spot 
that the next and all-important attack was 
directed to be made. 

The French forces crossed the river over 
an island called Saint Aignan. The distance was 
so narrow between the river bank on the town 
side and this island, that a couple of boats 
moored together served as a bridge. When 
Saint Jean le Blanc was reached, it was found 
deserted by the English, Glansdale having left 
it in order to concentrate his forces at the 
Tournelles. Joan led the attack. At first the 
French fought badly ; they had been seized 
by a panic, believing that a strong force of 
the enemy were coming down on them from 
Saint Prive. Rallying her men, Joan threw 
herself on the English, and drove them back 
into the Augustins. She was now eagerly 
followed by the soldiers. 

The first barricade was carried in a hand-to- 
hand fight, and soon the French flags waved 


above the fortress so long held by the enemy. 
The few English able to escape retired to the 
Tournelles. Eager to carry on the success of 
the attack, and to prevent delay, Joan ordered 
that the fort of the Augustins be fired, with 
the booty it contained. 

The victors, who only numbered three thou- 
sand strong, captured six hundred prisoners, 
one third were slain of the English, and two 
hundred French prisoners recovered. 

This was the second occasion on which the 
Maid had carried all before her. 

The day was closing, and the attack on the 
Tournelles had to be deferred for that evening. 
That night Joan of Arc said to her almoner : 
' Rise early to-morrow, for we shall have a 
hard day's work before us. Keep close to me, 
for I shall have much to do, more than I have 
ever had to do yet. I shall be wounded ; my 
blood will flow ! ' 

This prophetic speech of the Maid is among 
the most curious facts relating to her life ; for 
not only did she, during her trial at Rouen, 
tell her judges that she had been aware that 
she would be wounded on that day, and even 
knew the position beforehand of the wound, 
but that she had known it would occur a long 
time before, and had told the King about it. 
A letter is extant in the Public Library at 
Brussels, written on the 22nd of April (1429), 
by the Sire de Rotslaer, dated from Lyons, in 
which Joan's prophecy regarding her wound is 
mentioned. This letter was written fifteen days 


before the date (7th of May) of the engagement 
when that event occurred. A facsimile of the 
passage in this letter referring to Joan's pro- 
phecy appears in the illustrated edition of M. 
Wallon's Life of Joan of Arc. 

Very early on the following day, Saturday, 
the 7th of May, it appears that an attempt 
was made to prevent the Maid from starting 
for the field, as, at a council held on the 
evening before by the officers, it had been 
considered more prudent, before renewing the 
attack on the English fortifications, to await 
fresh reinforcements from the King. When 
this was reported to Joan, she said: 'You have 
taken your counsel, and I have received mine,' 
and at break of day she was ready, armed and 
prepared for the attack. Before starting, her 
host wished her to eat some fish, an ' alose, ' 
which had just been brought to him. ' Keep 
it, ' said Joan with a smile, ' till the evening, 
and I will bring with me a " Godon " who will 
eat his share of it.' This sobriquet of 'Godon' 
was evidently the generic term for the English, 
as far back as the early years of the fifteenth 
century, and may have been centuries before 
the French designation for our countrymen. 

Thus, full of spirits and with a brave heart, 
the Maid rode off" to meet the foe. When she 
reached the gate called Burgundy, she found it 
closed by order of De Gaucourt, Grand Master 
of the King's Household, who had done so at 
the instigation of those officers who wished 
the attack on the English deferred until fresh 

62 ■■' JOAN OF ARC. 

reinforcements arrived. But the Maid was not 
to be beaten and kept back even by barred 

'You are doing a bad deed,' she indignantly 
said to those about the gate, ' and whether you 
wish it or not, my soldiers shall pass.' 

The gate was opened, and Joan, followed 
by her men, galloped to where some troops 
who had been left in possession of the fortifica- 
tions taken on the previous day were stationed. 
The attack on the Tournelles commenced as 
soon as Joan arrived — it was then between six 
and seven in the morning. Meanwhile Dunois, 
La Hire, and the principal forces from the 
town came up. A desperate struggle ensued ; 
both sides knew that, whatever the result, that 
day would decide the fate of Orleans — even 
that of the war. 

The French were fighting under the eyes of 
their countrymen, who manned the walls, and 
under the guidance of a leader they already 
regarded as more than human — and never had 
they fought so well, during that long and 
bloody century of warfare, as they did on that 

The English, on the other hand, knew that 
if they were beaten out of the Tournelles their 
defeat would be complete, and they too fought 
with desperate courage. 

Down into the ditches rushed the French, 
and up the sides of the glacis ; scaling-ladders 
were placed against the walls, to which the 
men upon them clung like a swarm of bees. 


The defenders met them with showers of arrows 
and shot, and hurled them back with lance and 
hatchets. Constantly beaten back, they re- 
turned as constantly to the charge. For six 
hours this fight lasted, and weariness and dis- 
couragement fell on the French. Joan, who 
had been all these hours in the thick of the 
engagement, seeing her men were losing heart, 
redoubled her efforts ; and, helping to raise a 
scaling-ladder, she placed it against the para- 
pet of one of the towers. While thus en- 
gaged she was struck by a bolt from a cross- 
bow, between her shoulder and neck. The 
wound was a severe one ; she fell, and was 
carried out of the press. Although she suffered 
acutely, she had the nerve to draw the arrow 
from the wound. She refused to have the 
wound 'charmed,' as some of those standing 
around her suggested, saying she would sooner 
die than do anything that might be displeasing 
in the sight of Heaven. A compress, steeped 
in oil, was then applied, and it staunched the 
bleeding. She was faint and unnerved, and, as 
she seemed to feel her death was near, made 
her confession to her priest. 

Still the Tournelles held out in spite of these 
repeated attacks, and Dunois, as the shadows 
lengthened, was on the point of calling back his 
forces and sounding the retreat. Joan, in the 
meanwhile, had been withdrawn from the fight- 
ing, and placed in a meadow at some distance 
from the carnage ; but when she heard that the 
troops were about to be recalled from their 


attack on the Tournelles, she seemed to forget 
her wound, and, making her way to Dunois, 
implored him not to give up the fight. She 
assured him that she was certain they would 
even yet be victorious. In a few stirring sen- 
tences she rallied the men to fresh efforts, and 
told them that now or never would they con- 
quer ; the English, she declared, could not hold 
out much longer. Mounting her horse, and 
with flag unfurled, she again led the van ; to 
those near her she said, ' Watch my standard ; 
when it reaches the walls the place will be 

The struggle that ensued was fierce and 
decisive. Inspired by the valour of Joan, the 
French, who appeared as fresh as before her 
wound, stormed the bastions and towers of 
the Tournelles with tremendous energy. Rein- 
forcements had meanwhile arrived from the 
town, and these attacked the Tournelles in the 
rear. Passing over the broken arches of the 
bridge by means of ladders thrown across the 
masonry, the first man to reach the other bank 
was a knight of Rhodes, Nicolas de Giresme. 
Attacked from two sides, the English still held 
the Tournelles with bull-dog tenacity ; but the 
sight of the witch and sorceress, as they con- 
sidered Joan, and who they thought had met 
with a mortal hurt, leading the soldiers with 
unabated courage, caused a panic to spread 
through their ranks ; and when a sudden shout 
of victory proclaimed that the white and golden 
banner had at length struck the walls of the 


fortress, the doom of the Toumelles had 

Clear above the din of battle rang out the 
triumphant voice of the Maid : ' The victory is 
ours ! ' she cried. 

Seeing the day was lost, the English now 
attempted to escape destruction by swimming 
the river ; others threw themselves on a bridge, 
which, however, having been set on fire by the 
French, only caused those who hoped to cross 
to fall either into the flames or into the river 

Glansdale, the English leader, who had grossly 
insulted Joan but a few days before, was among 
those who were drowning in the Loire. Seeing 
his peril, Joan of Arc attempted to save him, 
but Glansdale was swept, before her aid could 
reach him, down the stream, never more to 
return to his own land again, as Joan had pro- 

Five hundred English perished either in the 
Tournelles or were drowned in attempting to 
escape ; the rest were made prisoners by the 

Darkness had now fallen, and although Joan 
had been taking part in the battle for more than 
a dozen hours, and had besides been grievously 
hurt, she would not leave the field till late in 
the night, in case the English at the Bastille of 
Saint Laurent should be inclined to avenge the 
fall of the Tournelles, and the victory over their 
comrades. But for that day, at all events, the 
English had had enough of fighting ; ' ils n'en 



avaient une vouloir ' for more, as the old chroni- 
cler quaintly expresses himself. 

Riding back across the bridge which the 
citizens had in the meanwhile partially restored, 
Joan re-entered the city which her splendid 
courage had rescued from the English. ' God 
knows,' writes Perceval de Cagny, 'with what 
joy she was received ' ; and our English his- 
torian of those days. Hall, has left the following 
graphic account of the joy that went out from 
the people of Orleans to their saviour : — 

' After the siege was thus broken up, to 
tell you what triumphs were made in the city 
of Orleans, what wood was spent in fire, what 
wine was drunk in houses, what songs were 
sung in the streets, what melody was made in 
taverns, what rounds were danced in large and 
broad places, what lights were set up in the 
churches, what anthems were sung in chapels, 
and what joy was showed in every place — it 
were a long work, and yet no necessary cause. 
For they did as we in like case would have 
done ; and we, being in like estate, would have 
done as they did.' 

All that day Joan of Arc had eaten nothing, 
and her strength must have been more than 
mortal to have sustained the heat, fatigue, and, 
above all, the anguish of her wound. At length 
she was able to find some repose with her kind 
hosts, and, after taking a little bread dipped in 
wine, she retired to enjoy her well-earned rest. 

Orleans was now delivered, as the citizens 
found on waking the next morning after the 


battle, when the joyful news spread through the 
town that the English had abandoned the bas- 
tilles on the northern side of the city, leaving 
all their sick, stores, artillery, and ammunition. 
That day Lord Talbot must have used expres- 
sions probably not as poetical as those put into 
his mouth in the play of Henry VI. ; but doubt- 
less far more forcible — for it was now that he, 
for the first time, felt the bitterness of defeat, 
the shame of turning his back on his enemy ; 
that enemy whom, until now, he had, after so 
many victories, almost grown to despise. 

' My thoughts are whirled like a potter's wheel ; 
I know not where I am, nor what I do : 
A witch, by fear, not force, like Hannibal, 
Drives back our troops, and conquers as she lists.' 

But although retire he had to, Talbot's retreat 
was made in perfect order, and in a kind of 
defiant fashion. Ranging his forces near to 
and facing the town, he seemed inclined to 
make a further stand, if not to carry out an 
attack against the city. Joan was prepared to 
repel such an attack, but the English contented 
themselves with a mere feint, a military demon- 

The day was a Sunday, and Joan, ever loath 
to fight on that day, refused to give the signal 
for attack, saying that if the enemy chose to 
begin an engagement they would be met and 
defeated ; but that she could not sanction fight- 
ing on that holy day. Prepared for whatever 
micfht occur, the Maid of Orleans then ordered 


that Mass should be said at the head of her 

When the religious act was over : 

' Look,' she said, 'whether the English have 
their faces or their backs turned to us.' 

And when she heard that they were in full 
retreat on Mehun-sur- Loire, she added, ' Let 
them depart, in God's name : it is not His 
wish that you should attack them to-day, and 
you will meet them again.' 

After an hour's halt, the English continued 
to retreat, previously setting fire to their bas- 
tilles, and carrying their prisoners with them. 

The day that saw the deliverance of Orleans 
was held for centuries as a national day of re- 
joicing in the town, and seldom have the citizens 
of any place had better cause for celebrating so 
joyful and honourable an event. The siege 
which Joan had thus brought to an end began 
on the 1 2th of October (1428), and ended on 
the 8th of May (1429). Ten days had suf- 
ficed for the heroic Maid to raise the English 

Throughout France the effect of the news 
of the deliverance of Orleans was prodigious ; 
and although most of the English, no doubt, 
believed that the result was owing to the instru- 
mentality of the powers of darkness, many saw 
in it the finger of God. 

When the great news reached Paris on the 
loth of May, Fauconbridge, a clerk of Parlia- 
ment, made the following note in his register : — 
' Ouis eventus fuerit novit Deus bellorum ' : and 


on the margin of the register he has traced a 
little profile sketch of a woman in armour, hold- 
ing in her right hand a pennon on which are 
inscribed the letters I. H. S. In the other hand 
she holds a sword. This parchment may still be 
seen in the National Archives in Paris. 

Joan, having accomplished her undertaking, 
lost no time in returning to the King at Chinon. 



T HAVING the now free and happy town to 
J—' jubilate in its deHverance from the enemy, 
Joan of Arc went by Blois and Tours to Chinon. 
At Tours the King had come to meet the Maid. 
When within sight of the King, Joan dismounted 
and knelt before him. Charles came forward 
bareheaded to meet her, and embraced her on 
the cheek ; and, to use the words of the chroni- 
cler, made her 'grande ckere.' It was on this 
occasion that the King bestowed on Joan of Arc 
the badge of the Royal Lily of France to place 
in her coat-of-arms. The cosfnizance consisted 
of a sword supporting a royal crown, with the 
fleur-de-lis on either side. 

Joan now strongly urged the King to lose 
no time, but at once go to Rheims, to be 
crowned. The fact of his being crowned and 
proclaimed King of France would add infinitely 
to his prestige and authority ; he would then no 
longer be a mere Dauphin or King of Bourges, 
as the English and Burgundians styled him. 
But now Joan found how many at Court were 
lukewarm. The council summoned to deliberate 
on her proposal alleged that the King's powers 


and purse would not enable him to make so 
long and hazardous an expedition. Joan used 
every argument in favour of setting out forth- 
with for Rhelms : she declared that the time 
given to her for carrying out her mission was 
short, and, according to the Duke of Alengon's 
testimony, she said that after the King was 
crowned she would deliver the Duke of Orleans 
from his captivity in England, but that she had 
only one year in which to accomplish this task ; 
and therefore she prayed that there might be 
no delay in starting for Rheims. 

Charles was now staying at the Castle of 
Loches, that gloomy prison-fortress whose dun- 
geons were to become so terribly notorious in 
the succeeding reign. Joan, whose impatience 
for action carried her beyond the etiquette of 
the Court, entered on one occasion into the 
King's private apartment, where the feeble and 
irresolute monarch was consulting with his con- 
fessor the Bishop of Castres, Christophe d'Har- 
court, and Robert de Macon. Kneeling, the 
Maid said : — 

' Noble Dauphin, hold not such long and 
so many councils, but start at once for Rheims, 
and there receive your crown.' 

' Do your voices inspire this advice ? ' asked 
the King's confessor. 

'Yes,' was the answer, 'and with vehemence.' 

'Then,' said the Bishop, 'will you not tell 
us in the King's presence in what way your 
voices communicate with you ? ' 

To this Jesuitical query, Joan, in her simple 


and straightforward manner, answered the priest, 
that when she met with people who doubted the 
truth of her mission she would retire to her 
room and pray, and then voices returned and 
spoke to her : — ' Go forward, daughter of God, 
and we will assist you,' and how hearing those 
voices and those words she would rejoice and 
take courage, and only long that her then state 
of happiness might last always. While telling 
them these things she seemed a being trans- 
formed, surrounded by a something Divine and 

It was not unnatural that the King and his 
councillors should hesitate before making up 
their minds to undertake the journey to Rheims, 
for the English were posted in force at Beau- 
gency, at Meun, where Talbot was encamped, 
and at Jargeau. They also held a strong 
position on the Loire ; it would be difficult to 
reach Rheims without encountering some of 
their forces. Jargeau had been attacked, indeed, 
by Dunois and Xaintrailles, but unsuccessfully ; 
and there was real danger in going northwards 
while the English were still so plentiful and so 
strongly entrenched in the towns of the centre 
and south of France. Another reason for delay- 
ing the journey to Rheims and the ceremony of 
the coronation, was that some time must elapse 
before the princes and great nobles, who would 
have to take part in the coronation, could 
assemble at Rheims. 

Joan, thus thwarted in her wish of march- 
ing directly on to Rheims, suggested driving the 


English from their fortresses and encampments 
on the Loire. To this scheme the royal con- 
sent was obtained, and the Duke of Alencon 
was placed in command of a small force of 
soldiers. Joan directed the expedition, and it 
was ordered that nothing should be done with- 
out the sanction of the Maid. 

In a letter, dated the 8th June, 1429, written 
by the young Count of Laval, who met Joan of 
Arc in Selles in Berri, the place of rendezvous 
for the expedition, is a pleasant notice of the 
impression the heroine caused him. He describes 
her as being completely armed, except that her 
head was bare. She entertained the Count and 
his brother at Selles. 'She ordered some wine,' 
he writes, 'and told me that I should soon drink 
wine with her in Paris.' He adds that it was 
marvellous to see and hear her. He also 
describes her leaving Selles that same evening 
for Romorantin, with a portion of her troops. 
'We saw her,' he writes, 'clothed all in white 
armour excepting her head ; her charger, a great 
black one, plunged and reared at the door of 
her lodging, so that she could not mount him. 
Then she said, " Lead him to the Cross," which 
cross stood in front of the church on the high 
road. And then he stood quite still before the 
cross, and she mounted him ; then as she was 
riding away she turned her face to the people 
who were standing near the door of the church ; 
in her clear woman's voice she said: — "You 
priests and clergy, make processions, and pray 
to God for our success." Then she gave the 


word to advance, and with her banner borne by 
a handsome page, and with her little battle-axe 
in her hand, she rode away.' 

The church before which this scene took 
place at Selles-sur-Cher still exists, a fine mas- 
sive building, dating from between the eleventh 
and thirteenth centuries ; but the old cross that 
stood before it, to which Joan of Arc's black 
charger was led, has long ago disappeared. 

In my opinion, this graphic description of the 
Maid of Orleans, written by Guy de Laval to 
his parents, is the best that has come down to 
our day of the heroine. There is to us a fresh- 
ness about it which proves how deeply the 
writer must have been stirred by that wonder- 
ful character ; it shows too that, with all her 
intensely religious and mystic temperament, Joan 
of Arc had a good part of sprightliness and 
bonhomie in her character, which endeared her to 
those whose good fortune it was to meet her. 

The incident of the black charger standing so 
still beside the cross, and the figure of the Maid, 
mystic, wonderful, in her white panoply, with her 
head bare — that head which, in spite of no auth- 
entic portrait having come down to us, we can- 
not but imagine a grand and noble one — make 
up a living picture of historic truth, far above 
the fancies evolved out of the brains of any 
writer of fiction — for is it not romance realised ? 

The eagerness to accompany Joan of Arc in 
this expedition of the Loire was great. The Duke 
of Alengon wrote to his mother to sell his lands 
in order that money might be raised for the army. 


The King was unable or unwilling to pay out of 
his coffers the expenses of the campaign. From 
all sides came officers and men eager for new 
victories under the banner of the Maid. 

Joan led the vanguard, followed by Alengon, 
de Rais, Dunois, and Gaucourt. At Orleans 
they were joined by fresh forces under Vendome 
and Boussac. On the nth of June the army 
amounted to eight thousand men. Jargeau was 
the first place to be attacked. Here Suffolk, 
with between six and seven thousand men, all 
picked soldiers, had established himself. Inferior 
in numbers, the English had the advantage over 
the French in their artillery. In the meanwhile, 
Bedford, who had news of Suffolk's peril, sent 
Fastolfe to Jargeau, with a fresh force of five 
thousand men. But for some reason or other 
Fastolfe seemed in no hurry to come to Suffolk's 
assistance ; he lost four days at Etampes, and four 
more at Jauville. Some alarm seems to have 
been felt among the French troops at the news 
of Fastolfe's approach. Joan mildly rebuked 
those who showed anxiety by saying to them : 
' Were I not sure of success, I would prefer to 
keep sheep than to endure these perils.' 

The faubourgs of the town of Jargeau were 
attacked and taken, but before storming the 
place, Joan, according to her habit, sent a sum- 
mons to the army. She bade the enemy sur- 
render : doing so, he would be spared, and 
allowed to depart with his side-arms ; if he 
refused, the assault should be made at once. 
The English demanded an armistice of fifteen 


days : hardly a reasonable request when it is 
remembered that Fastolfe, with his reinforce- 
ments, might any day arrive before Jargeau. 
Joan said they might leave, taking their horses 
with them, but within the hour. To this the 
English would not consent, and it was decided 
to attack upon the following morning. 

The next day was a Tuesday; the signal was 
given at nine in the morning. Joan had the 
trumpets sounded, and led on the attacking 
column in person. Alen9on appears to have 
thought the hour somewhat early ; but Joan 
overruled him by telling him that it was the 
Divine will that the engagement should then 
take place. ' Travaillez,' she repeated, 'Travail- 
lez! et Dieu travaillera ! ' 

These words may well be called Joan of 
Arc's life motto, and the secret of her success. 
'Had she,' she asked Alencon, 'ever given him 
reason to doubt her word?' And she reminded 
him how she had promised his wife to bring him, 
AlenQon, back safe and sound from this expedi- 
tion. Joan seems throughout that day's fighting 
to have watched over the Duke's safety with 
much anxious care ; at one hour of the day she 
bade him leave a position from which he was 
watching the attack, as she told him that if he 
remained longer in that place he would get slain 
from some catapult or engine, to which she 
pointed on the walls. Hardly had the Duke 
left the spot when a Seigneur de Lude was 
struck and killed by a shot from the very 
engine about which Joan had warned Alengon. 


Hour after hour raged the attack ; both Joan 
and Alen9on directed the storming parties under 
a heavy fire. A stone from a catapult struck 
Joan on her helmet as she was in the act of 
mounting a ladder — she fell back, stunned, into 
the ditch, but soon revived, and rising, with her 
undaunted courage, she turned to hearten her 
followers, declaring that the victory would be 
theirs. In a few more moments the place was 
in possession of the French. Suffolk fled to the 
bridge which spanned the Loire: there he was 
captured. A soldier named William Regnault 
beat him to the ground, but Suffolk refused to 
yield to one so low in rank, and is said to have 
dubbed his victor knight before giving him up 
his sword. Besides Suffolk, a brother of his was 
taken, and four or five hundred men were killed 
or captured. The place was pillaged. The 
most important of the prisoners were shipped 
to Orleans. 

The following day Joan returned to Orleans 
with Alengon, where they remained two days to 
rest their men, after which they proceeded to 
Meun. This was a strongly fortified town on 
the Loire, about an equal distance from Orleans 
on the west and from Jargeau on the east. 

The first success of the French was the occu- 
pation of a bridge held by the English. They 
then descended the river, and attacked the town 
of Beaugency. This town had been abandoned 
by the English garrison, who had thrown them- 
selves into the castle. Here it was that the army 
of the Loire was joined by the Constable de 


Richemont, who could be almost considered as a 
little monarch in his own territory of Brittany. 
This magnate appears to have been a somewhat 
unwelcome addition to Joan and Alencon's army. 
He was, however, tolerated, if not welcomed. 
Alenqon and the Constable, who had till now 
been at enmity, were reconciled by Joan's influ- 
ence, and she paved the way for a reconciliation 
between Richemont and the King. 

It was high time that all the French princes 
should be reconciled, for the danger from the in- 
vaders was still great even in the immediate 
circle of the Court and army. A strong body of 
men was known to be on the way from Paris, 
under the command of Fastolfe, and Talbot was 
marching to meet him with a force from the 
Loire district ; they soon met, and together pro- 
ceeded directly upon Orleans. Fastolfe appears to 
have been disinclined to attack, his force being 
smaller than that of the French ; but Talbot was 
beside himself with rage at having to retreat from 
Orleans, and swore by God and St. George that, 
even had he to fight the enemy alone, fight he 
would. Fastolfe had to give way to the fiery 
lord, although he told his commander that they 
had but a handful of men compared to the 
French ; and that if they were beaten, all that 
King Henry V. had won in France with so much 
loss of life would be again lost to the English. 

Leaving some troops to watch the English 
garrisons in the castle of Beaugency, Joan 
marched against the English. The hostile armies 
met some two miles between Beaugency and 


Meun. The English had taken up a place of 
vantage on the brow of a hill ; their archers as 
usual were placed in the front line, and before 
them bristled a stockade. The French force 
numbered about six thousand, led by Joan of 
Arc, the Duke of Alengon, Dunois, Lafayette, 
La Hire, Xaintrailles, and other officers. 

It was late in the day when heralds from the 
English lines arrived with a defiant message 
for the French. Joan's answer was firm and 
dignified. 'Go,' she said to the heralds, 'and 
tell your chiefs that it is too late for us to 
meet to-night, but to-morrow, please God and 
our Lady, we shall come to close quarters.' 

The English were still strongly fortified in 
the little town of Meun. A portion of their army 
left Beaugency in order to effect a junction 
with their other comrades, and in perfect order 
Talbot commenced his retreat on Paris, taking 
the northern road through the wooded land of 
La Beauce. They were closely followed by the 
French, but neither army had any idea how near 
they were to one another till a stag, startled by 
the approach of the French, crossed the English 
advanced guard. The shouts of the English 
soldiers on seeing the stag gallop by was the 
first sign the French had of the propinquity of 
their foes. A hasty council of war was held by 
the French commanders. Some were for delay 
and postponing the attack until all their forces 
should be united ; and these, the more prudent, 
pointed out the inferiority of their force to that 
of the enemy, arguing that a battle under the 


circumstances, in the open country, would be 
hazardous. Joan of Arc, however, would not 
listen to these monitions. 'Even,' she cried, 'if 
they reach up to the clouds we must fight them ! ' 
And she prophesied a complete victory. 

Although, as ever, anxious to command the 
attack, she allowed La Hire to lead the van. His 
orders were to prevent the enemy advancing, 
and to keep him on the defensive till the entire 
French force could reach the ground. La Hire's 
attack proved so impetuous that the English 
rearguard broke and fled back in confusion. 
Talbot, who had not -had time, so sudden and un- 
expected had been the French attack, to place 
his archers and defend the ground, as was his 
wont, with palisades and stockades, turned on the 
enemy like a lion at bay. Fastolfe now came up 
to Talbot's succour ; but his men were met by 
the rout of the rearguard of the broken battle, 
and the fugitives caused a panic among the new- 
comers. In vain did Sir John attempt to rally 
his men and face the enemy. After a hopeless 
struggle, he too was borne off by the tide of 
fugitives. One of these, an officer named 
Waverin, states the English loss that day to 
have amounted to two thousand slain and two 
hundred taken, but Dunois gives a higher 
figure, and places the English killed at four 

This battle of Patay was the most com- 
plete defeat that the English had met with 
during the whole length of that war of a 
hundred years between France and England ; 



and, to add to its completeness, the hitherto 
■ undefeated Talbot was himself among-st the 

'You litde thought,' said Alencon to him, 
when brought before him, ' that this would 
have happened to you ! ' 

' ' Tis the fortune of war,' was the old hero's 
laconic answer. 

The effects of this victory of Patay on 
the fortunes of the English in France were 
greater than the deliverance of Orleans, and far 
more disastrous, for the French had now for 
the first time beaten in the open field their 
former victors. The once invincible were now 
the vanquished, and the great names of Crecy, 
Poitiers, and Agincourt had lost their glamour. 
When the news was known that the English 
under Talbot and Fastolfe had been beaten, 
and that the great commander for so many 
years the terror of France had been made a 
prisoner, and that these mighty deeds had been 
accomplished by the advanced guard of the 
French army under the inspiration of the Maid 
of Orleans, the whole country felt that the 
knell of doom of the English occupation in 
France had rung. 

There is an anecdote relating to Joan of 
Arc at Patay that should find a place here. 
After the battle, and while the prisoners were 
being marched off by the French, Joan was 
distressed to see the brutality with which those 
captives unable to pay a ransom were treated. 
One poor fellow she saw mortally wounded by 


his captors. Flinging herself from her saddle, 
she knelt by the side of the dying man, and, 
having sent for a priest to shrive him, she 
remained by the poor fellow's side and attended 
to him to the end, and by her tender ministra- 
tions helped him to pass more gently over the 
dark valley of death. 

Michelet discovered this story in the deposi- 
tion of Joan of Arc's page, Louis de Contes, 
who was probably an eye-witness of the scene. 

With this brilliant victory at Patay closed 
Joan of Arc's short but glorious campaign on 
the Loire. Briefly, this was the career of her 
victories: — On the nth of June the Maid at- 
tacked Jargeau, which surrendered the next day. 
On the 13th she re-entered Orleans, where she 
rallied her troops. On the 15th she occupied 
the bridge at Meun, and the following day she 
attacked Beaugency, which yielded on the day 
after. The English had in vain hoped to relieve 
Jargeau : they arrived too late. After the fall of 
Beaugency they fell back, and were defeated at 
Patay on the i8th. 

A wonderful week's work was this campaign, 
ordered and led by a maiden of eighteen. What 
made Joan of Arc's success more remarkable 
is the fact that among the officers who served 
under her many were lukewarm and repeatedly 
foiled her wishes. And it is not difficult to trace 
the feeling of jealousy that existed among her 
officers; for here was one not knight or noble, 
not prince, or even soldier, but a village maiden, 
who had succeeded in a few days in turning the 


whole tide of a war, which had lasted with disas- 
trous effects for several generations, into a suc- 
cession of national victories. This professional 
jealousy, as one may call it, among the French 
military leaders was fomented and aggravated by 
the perfidious counsellors about the King. The 
only class who thoroughly appreciated and were 
really worthy of the Maid and her mission, 
were the people. And it is still by the people 
that everlasting gratitude and love of the heroic 
Maid are most deeply felt. 

While Joan was gaining a succession of 
victories on the Loire, the indolent King was on 
a visit to La Tremoille at his castle of Sully- 
sur- Loire. Accompanied by Alengon and the 
Constable Richemont, Joan repaired to Sully. 
She had promised to make the peace between 
Charles and Richemont, and as the Constable had 
brought with him from his lands in Brittany 
fifteen hundred men as a peace-offering, the re- 
conciliation was not a matter of much difficulty. 
La Tremoille saw with an evil feeling the ever- 
growing popularity of Joan, and feared her daily 
increasing influence with the King ; but he could 
not prevent the march on Rheims, much as he 
probably wished to do so. It was arranged that 
the army should be concentrated at Gien. From 
Gien, Joan addressed a letter to the citizens of 
Tournay, a town of doubtful loyalty to Charles, 
and much under the influence of the Burgundian 
party. She summoned in this letter those who 
were loyal to Charles to attend the King's forth- 
coming coronation. 


On the 28th of June the King and Court 
left Gien, on their northern march. That march 
was not a simple matter, for a country had to be 
traversed in which the towns and castles still 
bristled with English garrisons, or with doubtful 
allies. Auxerre belonged to the Burgundian 
party, always in alliance with the English ; 
Troyes was garrisoned with a mixed force of 
English and Burgundians ; and the strongly for- 
tified places on the Loire, such as Marchenois, 
Cosne, and La Charite, were still held by the 
English troops. Charles' army had no artillery ; 
it was therefore out of the question to storm or 
besiege towns however hostile, and the counsel- 
lors and creatures of the King urged him not to 
risk the dangers of a journey to Rheims under 
such disadvantageous circumstances. 

Joan, wearied out by the endless procrastina- 
tion and hesitation of the King, left him, and 
preferred a free camp in the open fields to the 
purlieus of the Court, with its feeble sovereign 
and plotting courtiers. Joan of Arc on this 
occasion may be said to have 'sulked,' but she 
showed her usual common sense in what she did, 
and her leaving the Court seems to have given 
the vacillating King a momentary feeling of 
shame and remorse. Orders were issued that 
the Court should be moved on the 29th of 

The royal army which started on that day 
for Rheims numbered twelve thousand men ; but 
this force was greatly increased on its march. 
By the side of the King rode the Maid of Orleans ; 


on the other side of the King, Alenqon. The 
Counts of Clermont, of Vendome, and of Bou- 
logne — all princes of the blood — came next. 
Dunois, the Marechal de Boussac (Saint-Severe), 
and Louis Admiral de Culan followed. And 
then, in a crowd of knights and captains, rode 
the Seigneurs de Rais, de Laval, de Loheac, de 
Chauvigny, La Hire, Xaintrailles, La Tremoille, 
and many others. 

Before the town of Auxerre a halt was called : 
it was still under the influence of the English 
and Burgundians. A deputation waited upon 
Charles, provisions were sent to the army, but 
the town was not entered. Outside its fortifi- 
cations the army rested three days, after which 
it continued its march to Saint-Florentin, whose 
gates swung open to the King ; thence on to 
Brinon I'Archeveque, whence Charles forwarded 
a messenger with a letter to his lieges at Rheims, 
announcing his approach. 

On the 4th of July the royal force had 
reached Saint-Fal, near Troyes. Joan of Arc 
despatched a messenger summoning that place 
to open its gates to the King ; but Troyes was 
strongly garrisoned by a force of half English 
half Burgundian soldiers, and these had sent for 
succour to the English Regent, the Duke of Bed- 
ford. The army of the King arrived before the 
gates of the town on the 4th of July ; a sally 
was made by the hostile garrison, but this was 
driven back. Pour-parlers ensued. The Kings 
heralds were informed by the garrison officers 
that they had sworn to the Duke of Burgundy 


not to allow, without his leave, any other troops 
to enter their gates. They went further, and in- 
sulted the Maid of Orleans in gross terms, calling 
her a ' cocquarde ' — whatever that ugly term may 

The situation was embarrassing. How could 
the town be taken without a siege train and 
artillery ? But to leave it in the rear, with its 
strong garrison, would be madness. The King's 
men were in favour of retiring and abandoning 
the expedition to Rheims. There happened to 
be within the town of Troyes at this time a 
famous monk of the preaching kind, named 
Father Richard. Father Richard had been a 
pilgrim, and had visited the Holy Land, and had 
made himself notorious by interminable sermons, 
for he was wont to preach half-a-dozen hours 
at a time. Crowds had listened to him in Paris 
and other places. The English, who probably 
thought his sermons insufferably long, or too 
much leavened with French sympathies, drove 
him out of Paris, and he had taken refuge 
at Troyes. The monk had heard much of Joan 
of Arc, and was eager to see and speak with her, 
but his enthusiasm was mixed with a religious 
and even superstitious fear in regard to the 
heroine. He was allowed to enter the royal 
precincts, and approached the Maid of Orleans 
with many a sign of the cross, and with sprinkling 
of holy water. Seeing the good man's terror, 
Joan told him to approach her without fear. 

' Come forward boldly ! ' she said to the monk. 
' I shall not fly away ! ' 


And after convincing him that she was not 
a demon in any way, she made him the bearer of 
a letter from her to the people in the town. The 
negotiations between the army and the burghers 
lasted five days ; the town refusing to admit the 
King, and the King unwilling to pass the town, 
but unable to take it by force. Charles was on 
the point of giving up the attempt to reach 
Rheims when one of his Council pointed out 
that as the expedition had been undertaken at 
the instigation of Joan of Arc, it was only fair 
her judgment should now be followed, and not 
that of any one else. Joan was summoned before 
the Council, when she solemnly assured the King 
that in three days' time the place would be taken. 
' If we were sure of it,' said the Chancellor, 
'we would wait here six days.' 

' Six days ! ' said the Maid. ' You will enter 
Troyes to-morrow.' 

Mounting her horse, the Maid rode into the 
camp, and ordered all to prepare to carry out a 
general assault on the next morning. Anything 
that could be used in the shape of furniture and 
fagots, to make a bridge across the town ditches, 
was collected. Joan, who had now her tent 
moved up close to the moat, worked harder, 
says an eye-witness, than any two of the most 
skilful captains in preparing the attack. She 
directed that fascines should be thrown into 
the moat, across which the troops were to pass 
to the town. 

Early next day everything was in readiness 
for the attack, but at this juncture, just as she 


was preparing to lead ' the storming party, the 
Bishop of Troyes, John Laiguise, attended by 
a deputation of the principal citizens, came 
from the town with offers of capitulation. The 
people were ready to place themselves at the 
King's mercy, owing probably to the terror the 
preparations made by Joan of Arc on the pre- 
vious evening had inspired them with, mixed, 
too, with the superstitious dread they felt for 
her presence. Had not even the English 
soldiers declared that, when attacked by the 
terrible Maiden, they had seen what appeared 
to be flights of white butterflies sparkling all 
around her form ! How could these good 
people of Troyes hope to withstand such a 
power ? To add to this fear, it was remem- 
bered by the citizens of Troyes that in it had 
been signed and concluded the shameful treaty 
by which Charles VH. had been disinherited 
from his crown and possessions. The people 
therefore gave in without further struggle. The 
conditions of capitulation were soon arranged. 
The burghers were granted the immunity of 
their persons and their goods, and certain liber- 
ties for their commerce. All those traders who 
held any office at the hands of the English 
government were to continue the enjoyment of 
these offices or benefices, with the condition of 
taking them up again at the hands of the King 
of France. No garrison would be quartered 
upon the town, and the English and Burgun- 
dian soldiers were to be allowed to depart 
with their goods. 


The next day — the loth of July — Charles 
and his host entered Troyes in state, the Maid 
of Orleans riding by the side of the King, her 
banner displayed as was her custom. 

When, as had been arranged in the treaty 
of capitulation, the foreign soldiers began to 
leave the place with bag and baggage (goods), 
Joan was indignant at finding that some of 
these so-called goods were nothing less than 
French prisoners. This was a thing that she 
could not tolerate, treaty or no treaty; and, 
placing herself at the gate of the town, she in- 
sisted that her imprisoned countrymen should be 
left in her charge. The King naturally felt 
obliged to gratify her ; so he released the cap- 
tives, and paid their ransom down. Before leav- 
ing Troyes the next day, William Bellier, who had 
been Joan's host at Chinon, was left as bailiff of 
the place, along with other officers. 

Thence the army moved on by way of 
Chalons. Though still in the hands of the Eng- 
lish, a deputation of clergy and citizens met the 
King, and placed themselves at his orders. 

While in the neighbourhood of Chalons, Joan 
of Arc met some friends who had arrived from 
Domremy ; among them were two old village 
companions, Gerardin d'Epinal and John Morel, 
to whom she gave her red dress. In conver- 
sation with these she said that the only dread 
she had in the future was treachery : a dread 
which seems to point in some strange pro- 
phetic manner to the fate which was so soon to 
meet her at Compiegne. 


It was on the evening of the i6th of July 
that the royal host at length came in sight of 
the massive towers of the great cathedral church 
of Rheims. It was at Sept Saulx, about eight 
miles' distance from Rheims, that the King waited 
for a deputation to reach him from the town. 
Rheims was still filled with the English and 
Burgundian adherents, and had Bedford chosen 
to throw, as he could well have done, a force 
into that place, Charles might yet have been 
prevented from entering its gates. Perhaps Bed- 
ford did not believe in the possibility of Charles 
arriving at his goal, and had counted on the 
King's well-known weakness and indecision, and 
on the hesitation of such men as La Tremoille 
and others of his Council. The Regent had 
received assurances from the officials in Rheims 
that they would not admit Charles. But after 
what passed at Troyes and at Chilons, Charles 
had not long to wait for a favourable answer 
from his lieges at Rheims. Indeed, the depu- 
tation which met him at Sept Saulx were effu- 
sive in their good offices and entreaties that 
the King should forthwith enter his good city 
of Rheims. 

The Archbishop (Regnault de Chartres), who 
had preceded the King by a few hours to his 
town, came out to meet the King at the head of 
the corporation and civic companies. From all 
sides flocked crowds eager to welcome the King, 
and even more the Maid of Orleans. In those 
days the people's cry of joy and triumph was 
' Noel! ' — but why that cry of Christmas joy had 


become the popular hosanna, it is not easy to 

Throughout that night the preparations for 
the coronation were feverishly made both within 
and without the cathedral. On the 17th of 
July, with all the pomp and ceremony that the 
church and army could bestow, the King was 
crowned and anointed with the holy oil which 
four of his principal officers had brought to the 
cathedral from the ancient abbey church of 

There exist few grander fanes in Christen- 
dom than the great cathedral of Rheims. The 
thirteenth century, so prolific of splendid churches, 
had expended all its wealth of lavish decoration 
on the gorgeous portal, with its array of saints and 
sovereigns, under which passed Charles VII. of 
France, with the Maid of Orleans on his right 
hand. Hurried as had been the preparations for 
the ceremonial, the even then ancient and vener- 
able rites must have deeply impressed the specta- 
tors, and the semi-sacred act was carried out with 
scrupulous care — the King crowned and anointed 
with the holy oil, surrounded on his throne by 
the ecclesiastical peers and high dignitaries of 
the Church, and waited on by the secular peers 
during the crowning and after at the coronation 

At length was accomplished the darling wish 
of Joan of Arc's heart, for now her King was 
regarded and sanctioned by all true French 
persons as King of France, by the grace of God 
and Holy Church. 


When the King received the crown from the 
hands of the Archbishop, a peal of trumpets rang 
out, with such a mighty volume of sound that the 
very roof of the cathedral seemed to shake again. 
Ingres, in his striking picture of Joan of Arc, 
now in the gallery of the Louvre, represents her 
standing by the high altar, clad in her white 
panoply of shining steel, her banner held on high ; 
below bows in prayer her confessor, the priest 
Pasquerel, in his brown robes of the Order of 
Augustin ; and beyond stand her faithful squire 
and pages. The heroine's face is raised, and on 
it sits a radiant look of mingled gratitude and 
triumph. It is a noble idea of a sublime figure. 

When the long-drawn-out ceremony came to 
an end, and after the people had shouted them- 
selves hoarse in crying ' Noel ! ' and ' Long live 
King Charles!' — Joan, who had remained by the 
King throughout the day, knelt at his feet and, 
according to one chronicle, said these words : 

' Now is finished the pleasure of God, who 
willed that you should come to Rheims and re- 
ceive your crown, proving that you are truly 
the King, and no other, to whom belongs this 
land of France.' 

Many besides the King are said to have 
shed tears at that moment. 

That seemed indeed the moment of Joan 
of Arc's triumph. The Nunc Dimittis might 
well have then echoed from her lips ; but in 
the midst of all the rejoicing and festivity at 
this time Joan had saddened thoughts and 
melancholy forebodings as to the future. While 


the people shouted 'Noel!' as she rode through 
the jubilant streets by the side of the King, 
she turned to the Archbishop, and said : ' When 
I die I should wish to be buried here among 
these good and devout people.' 

And on the prelate asking her how it was 
that at such a moment her mind should set 
itself on the thought of death, and when she 
expected her death to happen, she answered : 
' I know not — it will come when God pleases ; 
but how I would that God would allow me 
to return to my home, to my sister and my 
brothers ! For how glad would they be to see 
me back again. At any rate,' she added, ' I 
have done what my Saviour commanded me to 

Her mission was indeed accomplished : that 
is to say, if her mission consisted of the two 
great deeds which while at Chinon she had 
repeatedly assured her listeners she was born 
to accomplish. These were, first, to drive the 
English out of Orleans, and thereby deliver 
that town ; the second, to take the King to 
Rheims, where he would receive his crown. 
The other enterprises, such as the wish to 
deliver the Duke of Orleans from his captivity 
in England, and then to wage a holy war 
against the Moslems, may be left out of the 
actual task which, encouraged by her voices, 
Joan had set herself to accomplish. But the 
two great deeds had now been carried out — and 
with what marvellous rapidity ! In spite of all 
the obstacles placed in her path, not only by 


the enemies of her country, but by those 
nearest to the ear of the King, Orleans had 
been delivered in four days' time, the English 
host had been in a week driven out of their 
strongholds on the Loire, and defeated in a 
pitched battle ! The King unwillingly, and with 
many of his Court opposed to the enterprise, 
after passing through a country strongly oc- 
cupied by the enemy without having lost a 
man, had by the tact and courage of Joan of 
Arc been enabled to reach Rheims ; and after 
this successful march he had received his 
crown among his peers and lieges, as though 
the country were again at peace, and no 
Eng-lish left on the soil of France. What was 
still more surprising was, that all these things 
should have been accomplished at the instigation 
and by the direction of a Maid who only a few 
months before had been an unknown peasant 
in a small village of Lorraine. How had she 
been able not only to learn the tactics of a 
campaign, the rudiments of the art of war, 
but even the art itself? No one had shown 
in these wars a keener eye for selecting the 
weakest place to attack, or where artillery and 
culverin fire could be used with most effect, 
or had been quicker to avail himself of these 
weapons. No one saw with greater rapidity — 
(that rarest of military gifts) — when the decisive 
moment had arrived for a sudden attack, or had 
a better judgment for the right moment to 
head a charge and assault. How indeed must 
the knights and commanders, bred to the use 


of arms since their boyhood, have wondered 
how this daughter of the peasants had obtained 
the knowledge which had placed her at their 
head, and enabled her to gain successes and 
reap victories against the enemy, which until 
she came none of them had any hope of 
obtaining. They indeed could not account for 
it, except that in Joan of Arc was united not 
only the soul of patriotism and a faith to 
move mountains, but the qualities of a great 
captain as well. That, it seems to us, must 
have been the conclusion that her comrades 
in arms arrived at regarding the Maid of 

Dunois stated that until the advent of the 
Maid the French had no longer the courage 
to attack the English in the open field, but 
that since she had inspired them with her 
courage they were ready to attack any force 
of the army, however superior it might be. 
This testimony was confirmed by Alengon also : 
he declared that in things outside the province 
of warfare she was in every respect as simple 
as a young girl ; but in all that concerned 
the science of war she was thoroughly skilled, 
from the management of a lance in rest to that 
of marshalling an army ; and that as regarded 
the use of artillery she was eminently qualified. 
All the military commanders, he said, were 
amazed to see in her as much skill as could 
be expected in a seasoned captain who had 
profited by a training of from twenty to thirty 
years. 'But,' added the Duke, 'it is principally 


in her use of artillery that she displays her most 
complete talent.' And he proceeds to bear his 
high tribute to her goodness of heart, which she 
displayed on every possible occasion. 

Although her physical courage enabled her to 
face the greatest perils and personal risks, she 
had a horror of bloodshed, and though her spirit 
was 'full of haughty courage, not fearing death 
nor shrinking distress, but resolute in most ex- 
tremes,' she never entered battle but bearing her 
banner in her hand ; and to the last day of her 
appearance on the field she strove with all her 
great moral force to induce the rude and brutal 
men around her to become more humane even 
in the hurly-burly of the din of battle. All un- 
necessary cruelty and bloodshed made her suffer 
intensely, and we have seen how she ministered 
to the English wounded who had fallen in fight. 
As far as she could she prevented pillage, and 
she would only promise her countrymen success 
on the condition that they should not prey upon 
the citizens of the places they conquered. Even 
when she had passed the day fasting on horse- . 
back, Joan would refuse any food unless it had 
been honourably obtained. As a child she had 
been taught to be charitable and to give to the 
needy, and she carried out these Christian prin- 
ciples when at the head of armies ; the ' quality 
of mercy ' with her was ever present. She dis- 
tributed to the poor all she had with her, and 
would say, with what truth God knows, ' I have 
been sent for the consolation of the poor and 
the relief of the needy.' She would take upon 



herself the charge of the wounded ; indeed, she 
may be considered as the precursor of all the 
noble hearts who in modern warfare follow 
armies in order to alleviate and help the sick 
and wounded. And she tended with equal care 
and sympathy the wounded among the enemy, as 
well as those of her own side. 

This is no invention, no fancy of romance, 
but the plain truth ; for there can be no disput- 
ing the testimony of those who followed Joan of 
Arc and saw her acts. 

Regarding herself, Joan of Arc said she was 
but a servant and an instrument under Divine 
command. When people would avow that such 
works as she had carried out had never been 
done in former times, she would simply say : ' My 
Saviour has a book in which no one has ever 
read, however learned a scholar he may be.' 

In all things she was pure and saint-like, 
and her wonderful life, as Michelet has truly 
said of it, was a living legend. Had she not 
been inspired by her voices and her visions to 
take up arms for the salvation of her country, 
Joan of Arc would probably have lived and 
ended her obscure life in some place of holy 
retreat. An all-absorbing love for all things 
sacred was her ruling idiosyncrasy. From her 
childhood her delight was to hear the church 
bells, the music of anthems, the sacred notes 
of the organ. Never did she miss attending 
the Church festivals. When within hail of a 
church it was her wont, however hurried the 
march, to enter, attended by any of the soldiers 



whom she could induce to follow her, and kneel 
with them before the altar. At the close of some 
stirring day passed in the midst of the din of 
battle, and after being for hours in the saddle, she 
would, ere she sought rest, always return thanks 
to her God and His saints for their succour. 

Joan also loved to mix in the crowd of poor 
citizens, and begged that the little children should 
be brought to her. Pasquerel, her confessor, was 
always told to remind Joan of Arc of the feast 
days on which children were allowed to receive 
the Communion, in order that she too might 
receive it with these innocents. 

The army has probably ever been the home 
of high swearing : the expression in French of 
' ton de garnison ' is an amiable way of referring 
to that habit of speech ; and we all know ancient 
warriors whose conversation is thickly larded 
with oaths and profanity. This habit Joan of 
Arc seems to have held in great abhorrence. 
We have seen how she got La Hire to swear 
only by his stick ; to another officer of high 
rank, who had been making use of some strong 
oaths, she said : 'How can you thus blaspheme 
your Saviour and your God by so using His 
name ? ' Let us hope her lesson bore fruit. 

Throughout the land Joan of Arc was now 
regarded as the Saviour of France. Nor at 
this time did the King prove ungrateful. In 
those days nobility was highly regarded. It 
brought with it great prestige, and much benefit 
accrued to the holders of titles. Charles now 
raised the Maid of Orleans to the equal in rank 


of a Count, and bestowed upon her an estab- 
lishment and household. The grateful burghers 
of Orleans, too, loaded her with gifts, all which 
honours Joan received with quiet modesty. For 
herself she never asked anything. After the 
coronation at Rheims, when the King begged 
her to make him a request, the only thing she 
asked was, that the taxes might be taken off 
her native village. 

Her father, who came to see her at Rheims, 
had the satisfaction of carrying back this news 
to Domremy. 

Although both King and nobles vied in paying 
honours to Joan of Arc, it was from the common 
people, from the heart of the nation, that she re- 
ceived what seems to have amounted to a feeling 
approaching adoration. Wherever she passed she 
was followed by crowds eager to kiss her feet and 
her hands, and who even threw themselves before 
her horse's feet. Medals were struck and worn 
as charms, with her effigy or coat-of-arms struck 
on them. Her name was introduced into the 
prayers of the Church. 

Joan, although touched by these marks of 
affection, never allowed the people, as far as in 
her power lay, to ascribe unearthly influence to 
her person. When in the course of her trial 
the accusation that the people had made her 
an object of adoration was brought as a proof 
of her heresy, she said : 'In truth I should not 
have been able to have prevented that from 
being so, had God not protected me Himself 
from such a danger.' 


WE must now glance at the movements of 
the Enghsh since the deliverance of Or- 
leans and their defeat at Patay, and the French 
King's coronation. 

What proves the utter demoralisation of the 
English at this time is that the Regent Bedford 
was not only afraid of remaining in Paris, but had 
also taken refuge in the fortress of Vincennes. 
He was so poor that he could not pay the 
members of Parliament sitting in Paris. Like 
other bodies receiving no pay, the Parliament 
declined to work. So restricted were all things 
then in Paris that when the child-king (Henry 
VI.) was brought from London to be crowned 
there, not enough parchment could be found on 
which to register the details of his arrival. 

For want of a victim to assuage his ire, the 
Regent disgraced Sir John Fastolfe, whom he 
unknighted and ungartered, in order to punish 
him for the defeat at Patay ; and he wrote that 
the English reverses had been caused by 'a dis- 
ciple and lyme of the Feende, called the Pucelle, 
that used fals enchantements and sorcerie.' 


The Regent, whose degrading of Fastolfe 
and vituperation of Joan of Arc did not serve 
to help, applied to his powerful brother-in-law, 
the Duke of Burgundy, for aid. Burgundy 
came to the Regent's assistance, bringing a 
small force with him from Picardy. Then Bed- 
ford bethought him of his powerful relation in 
England, Henry Beaufort, the Bishop of Win- 
chester. Most opportunely for the Regent, the 
Bishop had collected an army for the suppres- 
sion of the Bohemian Hussites. The Regent 
implored his uncle, the Bishop, to send this 
army for the defence of the English and their 
interests, now in such dire jeopardy. Winchester 
was a mean, avaricious prince, and his aid had 
to be bought. A treaty was signed on the ist 
of July, in which Winchester promised to bring 
his troops to his nephew's assistance ; but he 
delayed stirring till the middle of that month. 
It pleased the crafty Bishop to know that his 
great wealth made him all-powerful in Eng- 
land ; for the English Protector, the Duke of 
Gloucester, was a mere cipher compared to 
Winchester ; and now that his other nephew, 
the Protector of France, was in distress, he 
could dictate his own terms to both. It was 
not until the 25th of July that Winchester at 
length arrived with his army in Paris. Then 
Bedford breathed more freely, and left the capi- 
tal with an army of observation to watch the 
movements of the French King. 

It was now the earnest wish of Joan of Arc 
that Charles should march direct on Paris, and 


perhaps had he done so he might have entered 
that city with as Httle difficulty as he had entered 
Rheims ; for if once the King of France had ap- 
peared in person, many of the wealthy citizens, as 
well as the majority of the common people, would 
have welcomed him. Charles, however, as usual 
vacillated, and the precious moment slipped by. 

Philip (called 'the Good'), Duke of Bur- 
gundy, was at this time one of the most power- 
ful princes of Christendom. In addition to his 
titular domain, he held the wealthy provinces of 
Burgundy, including Brabant, Flanders, Franche- 
Comte, Holland, Namur, Lower Lorraine, Lux- 
embourg, Artois, Hainault, Zealand, Friesland, 
Malines, and Salines. This much-territoried 
potentate was at the present juncture coquetting 
both with Bedford and with Charles, playing one 
against the other. To the former he promised 
an army, but only contributed a handful of men ; 
to the latter he made advances of friendship, as 
false as the man who made them. 

Joan had despatched two letters of a con- 
ciliatory tone to the Duke of Burgundy from 
Rheims. The original of one of these is to be 
seen in the archives at Lille. Like most of Joan 
of Arc's letters, it commences with the name of 
Jesus and Mary. As Joan could not write, the 
only portion of this letter which bears the mark of 
her hand is the sign of the Cross placed at the left 
of those names at the top of the document. She 
strongly urged the Duke in these letters to make 
peace with the King ; she appeals on the score of 
his relationship with Charles, to his French blood. 


in order to prevent further bloodshed, and to aid 
the rightful King. While waiting some definite 
answer from the Duke, the King went to Vailly- 
sur-Aisne from Rheims. He arrived at Soissons 
on the 28th of July, and Chateau Thierry on the 
next day. Montmirail was reached on the ist 
of August, Provins on the 2nd. It will be seen 
that, instead of marching straight upon Paris, the 
King was making a mere detour from Rheims 
towards the Loire. 

It was soon evident that Charles and his civil 
councillors had no intention of advancing direct 
upon Paris, and were merely marching and counter- 
marching until they could, as they trusted, get the 
Duke of Burgundy to join them. 

In the meanwhile, Bedford saw his oppor- 
tunity, and made prompt use of it. Early in the 
month of August he issued a proclamation call- 
ing on all the subjects of Henry of England in 
France and Normandy to rally round their liege 
lord. Leaving Paris on the 25th of July, Bedford 
marched to Melun with a force of ten thousand 
men. Melun was reached on the 4th of August. 
On the day after Bedford's arrival at Melun a 
letter was sent by Joan of Arc to her friends at 
Rheims, announcing that the King's retreat on the 
Loire would not be continued by his Majesty. 
The King had, in fact, met with a check to his ad- 
vanced guard at Bray-sur-Seine. Charles had, she 
informed her correspondents, concluded a truce of 
fifteen days with the Duke of Burgundy, at the 
expiration of which the Duke had promised to 
surrender Paris to the King. But, she adds, it 


could not be certain whether the Duke would 
keep to his promise. She concludes her letter by 
saying that should the treaty not hold good, then 
the army of the King would be able to take active 

This letter is vaguely dated from a lodging on 
the road to Paris. It was, she knew, necessary 
to be near the capital at the close of the period 
stipulated by Burgundy, and the royal army ac- 
cordingly took the northern road, leading to Paris. 

On the 7th of August the royal force reached 
Coulommiers ; on the loth La Ferte Milon, and 
on the nth Crespy-en-Valois. Bedford, apprised 
of this change in the movements of his foe, sent 
off an insulting letter to Charles, whom he ad- 
dressed as ' Charles who called himself Dauphin, 
and now calls himself King ! ' The Regent re- 
proaches the King for having taken the crown of 
France, which he said belonged to the rightful 
King of France and of England, King Henry ; 
and he then styles the Maid of Orleans 'an 
abandoned and ill-famed woman, draped in men's 
clothes and leading a corrupt life.' He bids 
Charles to make either his peace with him or to 
meet him face to face. Altogether a most rude, 
abusive, and ungallant letter for one prince to 
send to another. This letter reached Charles at 
Crespy-en-Valois on the nth of August. Bed- 
ford was then close at hand, and eager to provoke 
the King into attacking him. 

Charles contented himself with pushing on his 
advanced guard as far as Dammartin, remaining 
himself at Lagny-le-Sec. 


During the 13th of August skirmishes took 
place between the advanced guards of the armies, 
but without any resuh. 

Bedford now returned to Paris — in order to 
collect more troops, some said, others that he 
had found the French too strong to attack. The 
towns and villages around Paris, hearing of these 
events, and that the English had returned to the 
capital, showed now their readiness to join the 
French cause. 

On his way to Compiegne news reached the 
French King that Bedford had left Paris and 
marched on Senlis. On the 15th of August the 
French attacked the English at dawn. Their 
army, formed into companies, was commanded by 
AlenQon, Rene d'Anjou, the King, who had with 
him La Tremoille, and Clermont. Joan of Arc 
was at the head of a detachment with Dunois and 
La Hire. The English held a strong position, 
which they had made still more so by throwing 
up palisades and digging ditches. 

What appeared destined to be a great engage- 
ment ended in a mere skirmish. Neither Charles 
nor Bedford were eager to pit all on a stake, 
and both preferred to play a waiting game. 
Charles retired on Crecy, while Joan of Arc 
remained in the field. She had done all that 
courage and audacity could to induce the English 
to attack. She had ridden up to their palisades 
and struck them with the staff of her banner. 
But nothing would make the English fight that 
day ; and the next, Joan had the mortification of 
watching the retreat of the English upon Paris. 


Joan had nothing now left her to do but to rejoin 
the King at Crecy. 

On the 17th the King received the keys of 
the town of Compiegne, and there he was wel- 
comed on the next day with much loyalty. It 
was during his stay at Compiegne that Charles 
heard the welcome news that the people of Senlis 
had admitted the Count of Vendome within their 
walls, and had bestowed on him the governor- 
ship of their town. Beauvais had also shown its 
loyalty, had made an ovation in honour of the 
King, and had ordered the Te Deum to be sung, 
greatly to the annoyance of the Bishop of that 
place — Peter Cauchon — a creature of the Anglo- 
Burgundian faction, of whom we shall hear a 
good deal later on. 

Charles remained at Compiegne until the ex- 
piration of the term during which the treaty with 
the Duke of Burgundy relating to the disposal of 
Paris remained open ; but the negotiations ended 
in Burgundy contenting himself with sending to 
Charles, John of Luxembourg and the Bishop of 
Arras with words of peace. Arrangements were 
projected that in order to come to a general 
peace the Duke of Savoy was to be called in as 
mediator. In the meanwhile a truce was pro- 
posed, which was to last until Christmas, with 
the proviso that the town of Compiegne should 
be ceded to Burgundy during the continuance 
of the armistice. No allusion appears to have 
been made regarding the fate of Paris. 

Joan of Arc, knowing that without Paris all 
that she had fought for and obtained would soon 


again be lost, resolved to see what she could do 
without coming to the King for assistance. She 
bade Alengon be ready to accompany her, as she 
wished, so she expressed it, to see Paris at closer 
quarters than she had yet been able to do. 

Joan of Arc left Compiegne accompanied by 
the Duke of Alen9on on the 23rd of August, 
taking a strong force with them. At Senlis they 
collected more troops ; on the 26th they arrived 
at Saint Denis. Here they were joined by the 
King, who may be supposed to have felt some 
shame at not having started with them from 
Compiegne ; he came very unwillingly, it is said, 
for all that. 

Bedford left Paris precipitately for Normandy, 
owing to the discovery of a plot having been 
started to make over Rouen to the French. This 
event must have opened the Regent's eyes to 
the uncertain tenure the English held even in 
the old duchy of their kings. Bedford had left 
Louis of Luxembourg in Paris to command its 
garrison of two thousand English soldiers. De 
L'Isle Adam was in command of the Burgundian 
soldiers. In addition to Luxembourg, who was 
a bishop (of Therouanne) as well as a soldier, 
Bedford had given charge of the joint com- 
mand to an English officer named Radley. The 
Bishop summoned the Parliament in order that 
it should swear fealty to King Henry VI. 
The town walls and ditches were carefully re- 
paired and renewed. Guns were placed on the 
towers, walls, and batteries ; immense quantities 
of ammunition of iron and stone were piled 


ready at hand, to be used for the defence of all 
the gates and approaches of the city. The 
moats were deepened, and by dint of threats 
and menace, and by frightening the people as 
to the terrible revenge the French King would 
take on the town and its people when it fell 
into his power, the citizens were cajoled into 
being made the agents of their natural enemies, 
and in sheer terror helped to strengthen the 
defences of their town. 

During the first days of the siege only a 
few unimportant skirmishes took place between 
besieged and besiegers. Joan of Arc was 
indefatigable, and with her keen eye sought 
out the likeliest place where an assault might 
be successfully carried ; but she lacked troops 
for storming such strong outworks as Paris 
then had. The capital was not only defended 
by walls and towers, but the English held both 
the upper and lower banks of the Seine. 

From Saint Denis no assistance came from 
the King, and it was only on the 8th of Sep- 
tember that, having received reinforcements, 
Joan of Arc was at length enabled to make a 
determined attack. It was a very high and 
holy day in the Church Calendar — the Feast 
of the Virgin's Nativity — and, not unmindful of 
the sacredness of that feast-day, Joan of Arc 
had determined to make a general attack ; for 
' the better the day the better the deed ! ' 
was her feeling on that anniversary. In those 
times the western limit of Paris was where 
now the wide thoroughfare of the Avenue de 


rOpera runs from north to south. The walls 
of the city erected under Charles V., flanked 
by huge moats and protected by double fortress 
towers, each tower having a double drawbridge, 
made any attack almost a forlorn hope. The 
Regent's departure from Paris points to the 
little fear he felt that Paris could be taken by 
assault ; and in this matter Bedford judged 

Whether or not Joan felt that some Divine 
assistance would enable her to surmount the 
barriers that lay between her and the town 
she was so determined to win back for her King, 
we cannot say. She fought below the walls 
with a courage which, if the others had equalled, 
might have made Paris their own. The attack- 
ing force was divided into two parts — one, com- 
manded by Joan, Rais, and De Gaucourt, was to 
attack the city at the Gate of Saint Honor^ ; 
the other, led by Alengon and Clermont, was 
to cover the assailants, and prevent any sorties 
being made by the garrison. 

Joan's impetuous onslaught successfully car- 
ried the first barriers and the boulevard in front 
of the gate ; but here she met with a check — 
the heavy gates were barred, nor could she pre- 
vail on the enemy to make a sortie. 

Joan of Arc, carrying her flag, dashed, under 
a heavy fire, into the ditch, followed by a few of 
the most courageous of the soldiers. The ditch 
was a deep but a dry one ; and rising on the 
further side, close beneath the town walls, was a 
second and a wider moat, full of water. Here, 


unable to advance, but unwilling to retire, Joan of 
Arc and her followers were exposed to a mur- 
derous hail of shot, arrows, and other missiles. 
Sending for fagots and fascines to be cast into the 
moat, in order to enable a kind of bridge to be 
thrown across, while probing with the staff of her 
banner the depth of the water, Joan was struck 
by a cross-bow bolt, which made a deep wound 
in her thigh. Refusing to leave the spot, she 
urged on the soldiers to fill the ditch. The day 
was waxing late, and the men, who had been fight- 
ing since noon, were nearly exhausted. The news 
of Joan having been wounded caused a kind of 
panic among the French. There came a lull in 
the fighting, and the recall was sounded. Joan 
had almost to be forced back from before the walls 
by the Duke of Alengon and other of the officers. 
Placed upon her horse, she was led back to the 
camp, Joan protesting the whole time that if the 
attack had only been continued it would have 
been crowned with success. The spot where the 
heroine is supposed to have been wounded is 
near where now stands Fremiet's spirited statue 
of the Maid of Orleans, between the Rue Saint 
Honor^ — named in later days after the gate she 
had so gallantly attacked — and the Gardens of 
the Tuileries. 

Within the town a great fear had fallen on the 
citizens, divided as they were between the hope 
of their countrymen forcing their way into the 
city and fear as to how they would be treated by 
Charles should he be victorious. Perhaps, had 
Joan of Arc's urgent entreaties of continuing the 


attack been more vigorously responded to by the 
other French commanders, she might have been 
in the end successful. At any rate Joan herself 
was of that opinion. 

The following day she was, in spite of the 
previous evening's failure and her wound, as 
urgent as ever for further fighting ; and again and 
again implored Alenqon to renew the attack. It 
seems the Duke was on the point of complying, 
when there appeared on the scene Rene d'Anjou 
and Clermont, sent by the King with the order 
for the Maid's immediate return to Saint Denis. 
There was nothing to do but to obey, but it must 
have been a bitter disappointment to the brave 
maiden when she turned her back on Paris. 
Alen9on did his best to encourage her in the 
hope that it might yet fall. He gave orders for 
a bridge to be thrown across the Seine at Saint 
Denis, in order to make a fresh attack on the city 
from that quarter. However, on the next night 
this bridge was ordered by Charles to be re- 
moved, and with its destruction fell any hopes 
Joan might still have entertained of being able 
to take Paris. 

All the blame of the want of success of the 
army before Paris was now laid at the door of 
Joan of Arc ; and the creatures of the Court, who 
had long waited for an opportunity of this kind 
to show their bitter jealousy of the heroine, now 
made no secret of their enmity. Foremost of 
these was the Archbishop of Rheims, who now, 
in spite of Joan of Arc's entreaties, was allowed by 
the King to make a truce with the enemy. Another 


powerful foe was La Tremoille, who {as has been 
pointed out by Captain Marin in his work on Joan 
of Arc) thought it to be against his personal in- 
fluence that the French should take Paris. La 
Tremoille had shown, from Joan's first appearance 
at Court, his entire want of confidence in her 
mission. He had unwillingly, after the examina- 
tion of the Maid by the doctors and lawyers at 
Poitiers, conformed to the King's wish that a com- 
mand should be given her in the army. He had 
done all in his power to induce the King not to 
undertake the expedition to Rheims. He had 
told the King, when nothing else could be urged 
against the journey, that there was no money 
in the royal coffers, and that consequently the 
soldiers would not receive their pay. As it turned 
out, volunteers offered their services gratuitously 
to escort Charles to his crowning. At Auxerre, 
La Tremoille concluded a treaty with the citizens, 
which prevented Joan from taking that town. At 
Troyes he tried to create a like impediment ; but 
here he was foiled, for Troyes capitulated. After 
the coronation, he persuaded Charles not to go to 
Paris, but to go instead to linger in his castle on 
the Loire ; and thereby prevented what might then 
have proved a successful attack on the capital. 
And he again succeeded in thwarting the Maid of 
Orleans when he resisted her wish to make a 
second attack upon Paris. Later on it was La 
Tremoille who tried to make Joan of Arc fail at 
the siege of Saint Pierre-le-Moutier. When she 
was unsuccessful before La Charitd-sur-Loire, and 
when the blame of that failure was laid at Joan's 



door, La Tremoille for very shame was obliged 
publicly to acknowledge the heroic zeal with 
which she had carried out the operations of that 
siege. The higher Joan's popularity rose among 
the people and in the army, the more her two 
bitter enemies, La Tremoille and the Archbishop 
of Rheims, shared between them their jealous 

Thus, even before her capture and trial, Joan 
of Arc met with some of her worst foes among 
those whose duty it was to have been her 
staunchest friends and helpers ; and, deplorable 
to say, among her own countrymen. 

Charles left Saint Denis on the 13th of 
September. Before his departure, Joan of Arc 
performed an act which indicated that she felt 
her mission to be finished. In the old fane of 
Saint Denis, the tomb-house of the long line 
of French kings, she solemnly placed her armour 
and arms at the foot of an image of the Holy 
Mother, near the spot where were kept the relics 
of the Patron Saint of France. By that act of 
humility she seemed to wish to show her ab- 
negation of any further earthly victory by the 
aid of arms. 

We have now arrived at the turning-point 
of Joan of Arc's successes, and although the 
heroine is even more admirable in her days of 
misfortune and suffering than in those of her 
triumphs, when she led her followers on from 
victory to victory, the course of her brief life 
now darkens rapidly, and the approaching fate 
of the brave-hearted maiden is so terrible that 



it requires some courage to follow her to the 
very end, glorious as that end was, and bright 
with its sainted heroism. 

The King's return journey from Compiegne 
to Gien was so hurried that it almost re- 
sembled a flight. Avoiding the towns still 
doubtful in their loyalty to him, Charles sped 
from Lagny to Bovins, then to Bray, Cour- 
tenay. Chateau- Regnaut, and Montargis, arriving 
at Gien on the 21st of September. Ere this 
time there could be little doubt of the Duke 
of Burgundy's unwillingness to abide by his 
pledge, and restore Paris to Charles. The 
Duke and Bedford had in fact already come to 
terms. The Regent resigned to Burgundy the 
Lieutenancy of the country, keeping only the 
now empty title of Regent and the charge of 
Normandy. The result of the King's with- 
drawal from the neighbourhood of Paris, and 
his hurried march, or rather retreat, to Gien, 
was that the English felt that there was now 
no longer any fear of their being drawn out of 
the capital. They promptly marched on and 
occupied Saint Denis, pillaging that town and 
carrying off as a trophy the arms which Joan 
of Arc had placed by the shrine of Saint Denis, 
in the ancient basilica of Dagobert. 

The other towns, which had so recently re- 
turned to their allegiance to Charles, were 
again abandoned to the English, who punished 
them by levying large ransoms on the citizens. 
The surrounding country was laid waste, and 
Joan of Arc had the mortification of seeing 


that, without any attempt being made to defend 
her people, the places which had so shortly 
before been the scene of her triumphs were 
now allowed to be reoccupied by the English 
and their allies. Normandy, Picardy, and Bur- 
gundy were once more in possession of the 

At length Joan obtained Charles' permission 
to attack La Charite, where the enemy were in 
force, and from whence they threatened the 
French forts on the Loire. At Bourses she 
assembled a few troops, and in company with the 
Sire d'Albret she laid siege to Saint Pierre-le- 
Moutier. Then, although feebly supported, Joan 
led the first column of attack. This attacking 
column might have been called a forlorn hope, so 
few men had she with her. The little party 
were repulsed, and at one moment her squire, 
d'Aulon, saw that his brave mistress was fighting 
alone, surrounded by the English. At great peril 
she was rescued from the meMe. Asked how 
she could hope to succeed in taking the place 
with hardly any support, she answered, while 
she raised her helmet, ' There are fifty thousand 
of my host around me,' alluding to the vision of 
angels that in moments of extreme peril she 
relied on. D'Aulon in vain urged her to beat 
a retreat, and retire to a place of safety ; she 
insisted on renewing the attack, and gave orders 
for crossing the moat on logs and fascines. A 
roughly constructed bridge over the fosse was 
then made, and after a desperate struggle the 
fortress was taken. 


This occurred early in the month of No- 
vember (1429). A few years ago a stained- 
Sflass window commemorative of the Maid of 
Orleans having saved the church in Saint 
Pierre-le-Moutier (it had been converted by 
the besieged into a warehouse for the goods 
and chattels of the citizens) was placed in 
the building she had preserved from destruc- 

The next siege undertaken by Joan of Arc 
was that of La Charite — a far larger and more 
strongly garrisoned town than the other. La 
Charite was held by one Peter Grasset, who had 
been its governor for seven years. It was not 
only strongly' defended by fortifications, but fully 
victualled for a prolonged siege. Joan and her 
little army had not the material necessary for 
carrying on such a siege as that of La Charite 
would require — the very sinews of war were want- 
ing. Charles would not or could not contri- 
bute a single 6cu d'or, and Joan had to solicit 
help and funds from the towns. In the public 
library at Riom is preserved the original letter 
addressed by the Maid of Orleans to ' My dear 
and good friends the clergy, burghers, and citi- 
zens of the town of Riom.' It was sent to that 
place on the 9th of November from Moulins. In 
this letter, the only one to which is affixed the 
Maid's signature, spelt ' Jehonne,' possibly signed 
by herself, she says that her friends at Riom are 
aware of how the town of Saint Pierre-le-Moutier 
had been taken, and she adds that she has the 
intention of driving out [de faire vider) the other 


towns hostile to King Charles. She begs the 
citizens of Riom, in order to accomplish this, to 
provide her with the means of pushing forward 
the siege of La Charit^, and asks them to supply 
her with powder, saltpetre, sulphur, bows and 
arrows, cross-bows, and other material of war, 
having exhausted all her stock of such things 
in the late siesfe. Whether or not the burghers 
of Riom were able to carry out Joan's wishes 
is not known. The town of Bourges, however, 
provided funds out of its customs, and Orleans 
also sent soldiers and artillerymen ['j'oueurs de 
coulverines') to the Maid's army for the siege of 
La Charitd. 

But in spite of all efforts Joan of Arc was 
destined to fail in this undertaking. No doubt 
her enemies at Court helped to thwart all her 
attempts at raising a sufficient force to beleaguer 
so strong a place of arms, and seeing her hopes 
of taking La Charite by assault vanish, Joan of 
Arc relinquished the undertaking. 

The remainder of that winter Joan of Arc 
passed in what must have tried her high spirit 
sorely — inaction. 

Accompanying the Court, she went from 
Bourges to Sully-sur- Loire, and revisited Or- 
leans. In the latter town we find some traces 
of her passage, and some further traits of her 
sweet nature, and of that simplicity which had 
endeared her so deeply to the hearts of the 
people : a disposition no success altered, no dis- 
appointment embittered. What was the chief 
charm of her character was this simplicity, 


her entire freedom from self-glorification, her 
horror of it being imagined that she was a 
supernatural or miraculous being, even when 
those supernatural and miraculous powers were 
considered as coming direct to her from Heaven 
— in fact, to use a slang but expressive phrase, 
her utter freedom from humbug. This is one 
of the most marked features of her character, 
although not the most glorious or salient to 
those who are dazzled by her triumphs and 
extraordinary career. 

When she was told by people that they 
could well understand how little she feared being 
in action and under fire, knowing that she had 
a charmed life, she answered them that she 
had no more assurance of not being killed than 
the commonest of her soldiers ; and when some 
foolish creatures brought her their rosaries and 
beads to touch, she told them to touch these 
themselves, and that their rosaries would benefit 
quite as much as if she had done so. 

On one occasion at Lagny she was asked 
to resuscitate a dead child. One of the oreatest 
of the French nobles wrote to ask her which 
of the rival Popes was the true one. When 
asked on the eve of a battle who would be 
victor, she answered that she could no more 
tell than any of the soldiers could. A woman 
named Catherine de la Rochelle, who assumed 
the power of knowing where money was hidden, 
was commanded by the King to take Joan of 
Arc into her confidence. The latter soon dis- 
covered that Catherine was a fraud, and refused 


to have anything to do with her. Catherine had 
suggested going to the Duke of Burgundy to 
arrange a peace between him and the French 
King, to which proposition Joan of Arc very 
sensibly said that it seemed to her that no 
peace could be made between them but at the 
lance's point. Joan had seen too much of the 
duplicity of the Duke to believe in any of his 
treaties and promises. 

The early months of the year 1430 were 
months of anxiety for the citizens of Orleans 
and the other towns which had thrown off the 
English allegiance. The truce made between 
Burgundy and France expired at Christmas of 
the former year, but was renewed till Easter. 
Early in the year, the burghers of Rheims 
implored help of Joan of Arc, and not of the 
King, thus proving how far greater trust was 
placed in the hands of the Maid of Orleans, 
by such a town as Rheims, than in the good- 
will of the King. 

Twice during the month of March did Joan 
have letters written to reassure them of aid 
in case of need. ' Know,' she says in a letter 
dated the 1 6th of March, ' that if I can pre- 
vent it you will not be assailed ; and if I can- 
not come to your rescue, close your gates, and 
I will make them [the English] buckle on their 
'spurs in such a hurry that they will not be able 
to use them.' 

In the second letter to the people of Rheims, 
written at Sully on the 28th of March, Joan 
tells them that they will soon hear some good 


news about herself. This good news referred 
no doubt to her return to the field, for we find 
that by the end of that month she was again 
on the march. 

It was early in the month of April, 1430, that 
Joan of Arc left the Court and rode to the north, 
on what was to prove her last expedition. It 
is said that while at Melun, during Easter week, 
she was told by her voices that she would be 
taken prisoner before St. John's Day. 

It was at Lagny that an incident occurred 
which formed one of the accusations brought 
against the Maid by her judges, and to which re- 
ference may now be made. A freebooter, named 
Franquet d' Arras, had, at the head of a band of 
about three hundred English freelances, held all 
the country-side in terror round about Lagny. 
Hearing of this, being in the neighbourhood of 
Lagny, Joan of Arc gave orders that Franquet 
and his band should be attacked. The French 
were in number about equal to the English. 
After a stubborn fight, the English were all 
killed or captured. Among the latter was the 
chief of the robbers, Franquet d' Arras. It was 
proved before the bailiff and justices of Lagny 
that Franquet had not only been a thief, but a 
murderer, and he was consequently condemned 
to die. Joan of Arc wished that he should 
be exchanged for a French prisoner, but this 
French prisoner had meanwhile died. The 
justices of Lagny insisted on having their sen- 
tence carried out, to which Joan at length un- 
willingly gave way, and Franquet met with his 


deserts. We cannot see how the Maid was to 
blame in this affair ; but this thing was one of 
the accusations which helped to bring her to 
the stake. 

On the 17th of April the truce agreed to 
between King Charles and Burgundy came to 
an end. At this time the town of greatest 
strategical importance to Burgundy was that 
of Compiegne. Holding Compiegne, the Duke 
of Burgundy held the key of France. King 
Charles, with his habitual carelessness, had been 
on the point of handing over Compiegne to the 
Duke as a pledge of peace ; and no doubt he 
would have done so had not the inhabitants 
protested. Charles then surrendered the town 
of Pont Sainte-Maxence to Burgundy instead 
of Compiegne. But this sop did not at all 
satisfy the greedy Duke, whose mouth watered 
for Compiegne, which he was determined to ob- 
tain by fair or by foul means. At Soissons 
the Duke had succeeded in gaining the Gover- 
nor by a bribe, and had, through this bribe, 
obtained the place ; and there is little reason 
not to suppose that he was still more ready to 
offer a still greater bribe to obtain Compiegne. 
The Governor of Compiegne, William de Fla- 
vigny — a man very deeply suspected, writes 
Michelet of him — was not likely to refuse a 
bribe ; and, as we shall see, he acted in a man- 
ner that has made the accusation of his treachery 
to his country and Joan of Arc almost a cer- 

It was to prevent, if possible, Compiegne 


falling into the hands of Burgundy that Joan of 
Arc hastened to its defence. On the 13th of 
May she reached Compiegne, where she was 
received with great joy by the citizens. The 
Maid lodged in the town with Mary le Boucher, 
wife of the Procureur of the King. At Com- 
piegne were some important Court officials — the 
Chancellor Regnault de Chartres, no friend to 
Joan as we have seen, Vendome, and others. 
The country around and the places of armed 
strength were all in the occupation of the 
English and Burgundians ; near Noyon, the 
town of Pont-l'Eveque was in the possession of 
the English. This place Joan of Arc attacked, 
and she was on the point of capturing it when a 
strong force of Burgundians arrived from Noyon, 
and Joan had to beat a retreat on Crecy. On 
the 23rd of May, news reached Joan that Com- 
piegne was threatened by the united English 
and ' Burgundian forces, under the command of 
the Duke and the Earl of Arundel. By mid- 
night of that day, Joan of Arc was back again 
in Compiegne. She had been warned of the 
danger of passing, to gain the town, through the 
enemies' lines with so small a company. 

' Never fear ! ' she answered, ' we are enough. 
I must go and see my good friends at Compiegne.' 

These words have been appropriately placed 
on the pedestal of the statue of the heroine in 
front of the Hotel de Ville in Compiegne. 

By sunrise all her troopers were within the 
town : not a man was missing. 

Compiegne was a strongly fortified place, 


resting on the left bank of the river Oise, 
across which, as at Orleans, one long stoutly 
defended bridge connected the right bank with 
the town. In front of the bridge was one of 
those redoubts which were in those days called 
' boulevards.' This boulevard was surrounded 
by a wet moat or ditch connected with the 
principal bridge by a drawbridge, closed or 
opened from within at pleasure. The town 
was surrounded and protected by a broad and 
deep moat, filled from the river. Behind this 
moat rose the town walls, girt with strong 
towers at short intervals. On the right bank 
of the river extended a wide stretch of fertile 
meadow land, bounded on the northern horizon 
by the soft low-lying hills of Picardy. From the 
circuit of the walls across the plain the eye 
rested on the towns of Margny, of Clairvoix, 
and of Venette. The Burgundians were en- 
camped- at Margny and at Clairvoix ; the Eng- 
lish, under the command of Montgomery, were 
encamped at Venette. 

The evening of the day on which she had 
arrived at Compiegne (the 24th of May), Joan of 
Arc resolved to attack the Burgundians, both at 
Margny and also at Clairvoix. Her plan was 
to draw out the Duke of Burgundy, should he 
come to the support of his men at these places. 
As to the English at Venette, she trusted that 
Flavy with his troops at Compiegne would 
prevent them from cutting her off after her 
attack on the Burgundians, and so intercepting 
her return to the town ; but this unfortunately 
was the very disaster which occurred. 


In front of the bridge the redoubts were 
filled by French archers to keep off any attack 
made by the English, and Flavy had placed a 
large number of boats filled with armed men, 
principally bowmen, in readiness along the river 
to receive their companions should they meet 
with a repulse in their attack on the Bur- 

It was about five o'clock that afternoon 
when Joan of Arc rode out of Compiegne at 
the head of five hundred horsemen and foot 
soldiers. Flavy remained within the town, of 
which he was Governor. The attack led by 
the Maid on Margny, with splendid impetuosity, 
proved a complete success, and the enemy fled 
for shelter to their companions at Clairvoix. 
Here the resistance made was far more stub- 
born. While the French and Burgundians 
were combating in the meadows at Clairvoix, 
the English came from Venette to the assist- 
ance of their allies, and attacked the French in 
their rear. A panic was created by this at- 
tack among the French troops, and a sauve qui 
petit ensued, both foot and horse dashing back 
in confusion towards Compiegne, and when 
they reached the river either taking refuge in 
the boats or on the redoubts near the bridge. 
Mixed among this panic-stricken crowd of fugi- 
tives came the English in hot pursuit, followed 
by the Burgundians. 

Carried away by the throng of frightened 
soldiers, Joan was among the last to leave 
the field, and to those who cried to her to 


make her escape she answered that all might 
yet be saved, and urged her men to rally. 
Nevertheless, she was forced back towards the 
bridge, across which fugitives were making 
their escape into the town. In a few seconds 
Joan could have been safe across the draw- 
bridge, and under shelter of the towers which 
defended it. At this instant, whether inten- 
tionally to exclude the heroine from safety, or 
through panic and fear of the Burgundians 
and English entering the town along with 
the French, the drawbridge was lifted, and 
Joan, with a handful of the faithful few who 
were ever at her side in time of peril, was 
surrounded by a sea of foemen. In a mo- 
ment half a dozen soldiers secured her horse 
and seized her on every side, trying to drag 
her out of the saddle. The long skirts which 
the heroine wore were soon torn off by these 
rough hands. An archer of Picardy, belonging 
to the army of John of Luxembourg, wrenched 
her from her horse and made her prisoner. 
Her brother Peter, her faithful squire d'Aulon, 
and Pothon de Xaintrailles were all captured at 
the same time. 

Thus fell Joan of Arc into the hands of 
her enemies, and the question whether through 
treachery or not has never been settled. 

According to an old work published early 
in the sixteenth century, called Le Miroir des 
Femmes Vertucuses, Joan of Arc had taken the 
communion in the Church of Saint James at 
Compiegne, and was standing leaning against a 


pillar of that church ; a large number of citizens 
with many children stood around, to whom she 
said : 'My children and dear frierrdsT I bid you 
to mark that I have been sold and betrayed, 
and that I shall be shortly put to death. So I 
beseech you all to pray to God for me, for 
never more shall I be able to be of service to 
the King or to the kingdom of France.' 

This story, which, whether authentic or not, 
is surely a touching one, is full of the spirit of 
the heroine. It rests upon the testimony of 
two persons, one eighty-six and the other eighty- 
eight years of age, by whom the author was 
told the tale in 1498, both affirming that they 
had been in the church when Joan of Arc 
spoke of her betrayal. There can be but little 
doubt that Joan had had for some time be- 
fore she went to Compiegne a presentiment 
of her soon falling into her enemies' power. 
On the eve of the King's coronation at Rheims 
she said to her friends that what she alone 
feared was treason — a foreboding too soon, 
alas ! to come true. She never, however, 
seems to have fixed on any particular period 
when the treason she dreaded would occur ; and 
during her trial she acknowledged that, had 
she known she would have been taken prisoner 
during the sortie on the 24th of May, she would 
not have undertaken that adventure. 

One of her best historians, M. Wallon, 
thinks that the words which she is supposed 
to have spoken to the people in the Church of 
Saint James at Compiegne were owing to her 


discouragement at not having, a few weeks 
previously, been able to cross the river Aisne 
at Soissons, and thus finding herself prevented 
from attacking the Duke of Burgundy at Cholsy, 
and thence having been obliged to return to 
Compiegne. Wallon points out that in com- 
ing to defend Compiegne, Joan of Arc came 
entirely at her own instigation, and that during 
the previous six months Flavy had defended 
Compiegne against the English and Burgun- 
dians with success and energy ; nay more, 
that, in spite of bribes from the Duke of Bur- 
gundy, Flavy contrived to hold the town till the 
close of the war. 

On the other side, a recent writer of the 
heroine's life, especially as regarded from a 
military standpoint, M. Marin, gives at great 
length his reasons for believing in the treachery 
of Flavy. M. Marin points out that, in the 
first place, Flavy's character was a notoriously 
bad one ; secondly, that he was very possibly 
under the influence of both La Tremoille and 
the Chancellor Regnault de Chartres, bitter 
opponents, as we have already shown, of 
the Maid ; thirdly, that it was in Flavy's in- 
terest that the prestige of saving Compiegne 
from the Burgundians and English should be 
entirely owing to his own conduct ; and 
fourthly, that he, Flavy, with the majority of the 
French officers, was affected against Joan of 
Arc since the execution of Franquet d'Arras. 
M. Marin goes on to prove that Joan of Arc 
might have been rescued without difficulty. 


and that the enemy could not have forced 
their way into the town alongside of the re- 
treating French, unless they were ready to be 
cut up as soon as they had come within its 
walls. M. Marin's opinion, having the autho- 
rity of a soldier, carries weight with it ; and 
his opinion is that Joan of Arc was deliber- 
ately betrayed by Flavy, and purposely allowed 
to fall into the hands of her enemies. 

The names of La Tremoille and Regnault 
de Chartres should also be pilloried by the 
side of that of Flavy — the two great cour- 
tiers who held the ear of the King, and who 
had always plotted against Joan of Arc. As 
has already been said, it was Regnault de 
Chartres who had the effrontery to announce 
the news of Joan of Arc's capture to the citi- 
zens of Rheims as being a judgment of 
Heaven upon her. She had, this mean pre- 
late said, offended God by her pride, and in 
wearing rich apparel, and in having preferred 
to follow her own will rather than that of God ! 
Verily, and with reason, might poor Joan have 
prayed to be delivered from such friends as 
those creatures and courtiers about her Kins', 
for whom she had done and suffered so much. 

The archer who had captured Joan of Arc 
was in the pay of the Bastard of Wandome, 
or Wandoune, and this Wandome was himself 
in the service of John de Ligny, a vassal of 
the Duke of Burgundy, and a cadet of the 



princely house of Luxembourg. Like most 
younger sons, John de Ligny was badly off, 
and the temptation of the English reward in 
exchange for his prisoner, whose escape he 
greatly feared, overtopped any scruples he may 
have felt in receiving this blood-money. 

The historian Monstrelet tells us he was 
present when Joan of Arc was brought into 
the Burgundian camp, at Margny, and before 
the Duke of Burgundy. But the old chronicler 
relates nothing with regard to that eventful 
meeting ; only he is eloquent on the joy caused 
by the capture of the Maid of Orleans among 
the English and their allies ; and he tells us 
that in their opinion Joan's capture was equal 
by itself to that of five hundred ordinary pri- 
soners, for they had feared her, he adds, more 
than all the other French leaders put together. 
Of the high opinion held by her enemies of the 
Maid's influence, one could not ask for a more 
remarkable proof than this testimony, coming as 
it does from a partisan of her foes. 

After three days passed at Margny, Joan 
of Arc was taken, for greater security, by Lux- 
embourg to the castle of Beaulieu, in Picardy. 



npHE news of Joan's capture soon reached 
•^ Paris, and within a few hours of that 
event becoming known, the Vicar-General of the 
Order of the Inquisition sent a letter to the 
Duke of Burgundy, accompanied by another 
from the University of Paris, praying that Joan 
of Arc might be delivered up to the keeping 
of Mother Church as a sorceress and idolatress. 
That terrible engine, the Inquisition, had, like 
some mighty reptile scenting its prey near, 
slowly unfolded its coils. Whether Bedford 
had or had not caused these letters to be sent 
the Duke is not known, but the Regent had 
both in the Church and the University of Paris 
the men he wanted — instruments by whom his 
vengeance could be worked on Joan of Arc ; 
and he had the astuteness to see that in calling- 
in the aid of the Church, and treating Joan of 
Arc as a heretic and witch, the rules of war 
could be laid aside. What no civilised body of 
men could do, namely, kill a prisoner of war. 


that thing could be done in the name and by 
the authority of the Church and its holy office ; 
and in the Bishop of Beauvais, the inexorable 
Cauchon, Bedford had the tool necessary to 
his hand whereby this dastardly plot could be 
carried out. 

The first move that Bedford now was ob- 
liged to take was to secure the victim ; and in 
order to do so the Bishop of Beauvais was 
applied to. The name of Peter Cauchon, Bishop 
of Beauvais, will go down to the latest posterity 
with the execration of humanity, for the part 
he played in the tragedy of the worst of judicial 
murders of which any record exists. Let us 
give even the devil his due. According to 
Michelet the Bishop was ' not a man without 
merit,' although the historian does not say in 
what Cauchon's merit consisted. Born at 
Rheims, he had been considered a learned 
priest when at the University of Paris ; but he 
had the reputation of being a harsh and vin- 
dictive opponent to all who disagreed with his 
views, within or without the Church. He was 
forced to leave Paris, in 141 3, for some mis- 
conduct. It was then that Cauchon became 
a strong partisan of the Duke of Burgundy. 
It was through the Duke that he obtained the 
See of Beauvais. The English also favoured 
Cauchon, and obtained for him a high post in 
the University of Paris. When the tide of 
French success reached Beauvais, in 1429, 
Cauchon was obliged to escape, and found 
shelter in England. There Winchester received 


him with cordiality. While in England, Cauchon 
became a thorough partisan of the English, 
and the humble servant of the proud Prince- 
Cardinal. Winchester promised Cauchon pre- 
ferment, and, when the See of Rouen fell vacant, 
recommended the Pope to place Cauchon on its 
throne. The Pope, however, refused his consent, 
and the Rouen Chapters would hear naught 
of the Anglicised Bishop. At that time the 
Church at Rouen was at war with the University 
of Paris, and did not wish one of the members 
of that University placed over it. 

Joan of Arc's place of capture happened to 
be in the diocese of Beauvais, and although 
Cauchon was now only nominally Bishop of 
Beauvais, he still retained that title. Cauchon 
now placed himself, body and soul, at the dis- 
posal of the English, hoping thereby sooner to 
obtain the long-coveted Archbishopric of Rouen 
in exchange for helping his friends to the ut- 
most in his power by furthering their schemes 
and in ridding them of their prisoner once and 
for ever. The bait held out by Winchester 
and Bedford was the Archbishopric of Rouen, 
and eagerly did Cauchon seize his prey. What 
added to his zeal was his wish to gratify base 
feelings of revenge on those who had thrust 
him out of his Bishopric of Beauvais, and 
on her without whose deeds he might have 
still been living in security in his palatial home 

After a consultation with the leaders of the 
University of Paris, Cauchon arrived at the 


Burgundian camp before Compiegne on the 
14th of July, and claimed Joan of Arc as 
prisoner from the keeping of the Duke of 
Burgundy. Cauchon justified his demand by 
letters which he had obtained from the doctors 
of the University, and he made the offer in the 
name of the child-king of England. The sum 
handed over for the purchase of the prisoner 
was 10,000 livres tournois, equivalent to 61,125 
francs of French money of to-day — about ;^2400 
sterling. This was the ordinary price in that 
day for the ransom of any prisoner of high 
rank. Luxembourg, to his shame and that of 
his order, consented to the sale on those terms, 
and Cauchon soon returned with the news of 
his bargain to his English employers. 

The whole transaction sounds more like what 
one might expect to have occurred amongst an 
uncivilised nation rather than among a people 
who prided themselves on their chivalry and 
their usages of fair-play in matters relating to 
warfare. That a high dignitary of the Church, 
and a countryman of Joan of Arc, should have 
bought her from a prince, the descendant of 
emperors and kings, also a countryman of the 
heroic Maid, for English gold, is bad enough; 
and that the so-called 'good' Duke of Bur- 
gundy should have been a silent spectator of 
the infamous transaction, brands all the actors 
as among the most sordid and meanest of indi- 
viduals. But what is infinitely worse is the fact 
that no steps appear to have been taken by 
Charles to rescue the Maid, or to attempt an 


exchange of her for any other prisoner or 

Thus Joan of Arc, bound Hterally hand and 
foot, was led Hke a lamb to the shambles, not 
a hand being raised by those for whom she had 
done such great and noble deeds. 

The University of Paris, whose decisions car- 
ried so great a weight in the issue of the trial 
of the Maid of Orleans, consisted at this period 
of an ecclesiastical body of doctors ; but as far 
as its attributes consisted it was a body secular, 
and holding an independent position owing to 
its many privileges. The University was a 
political as well as an ecclesiastical body, su- 
preme under the Pope above the whole of the 
Galilean Church. Although divided into two 
parties through the war then raging between 
England and France, its judicature was greatly 
influenced by the Church. It was a matter of 
certainty that the Doctors of Theology who sat 
in the University of Paris, and who were all, 
or nearly all, French by birth, would favour the 
English, and give an adverse decision to that 
of those French ecclesiastics who had examined 
into Joan's life and character when assembled 
at Poitiers, and who then considered her to be 
acting under the influence and with the protec- 
tion of the Almighty. 

As a prisoner, Joan of Arc's behaviour was 
as modest and courageous as it had been in 
her days of success and liberty. In the first 
times of her durance, d'Aulon, who, as we men- 
tioned, had been captured at the same time, 


appears to have been allowed to remain with 
her. On his telling her that he feared Com- 
piegne would now probably be taken by the 
enemy, Joan of Arc said such a thing could not 
occur, 'For all the places,' she added, 'which 
the King of Heaven has placed in the keeping 
of King Charles by my means will never again 
be retaken by his enemies, at any rate as long 
as he cares to keep them.' 

Although willing to endure for the sake of 
her beloved country all the cruelty' her enemies 
could inflict upon her, Joan was most anxious 
to return in order to continue her mission. 
While in the castle of Beaulieu she made a 
desperate attempt to escape. She managed to 
squeeze herself between two beams of wood 
placed across an opening in her prison, and 
was on the point of leaving her dungeon tower 
when one of the jailers caught sight of her, 
and she was retaken. Probably in consequence 
of this attempt, Joan of Arc, after an imprison- 
ment of four months at Beaulieu, was transferred 
thence by Ligny to his castle of Beaurevoir, 
near the town of Cambrai, a place far re- 
moved from the neighbourhood of the war, and 
consequently more secure than Beaulieu. At 
Beaurevoir lived the wife and the aunt of 
Ligny ; they showed some attention and com- 
passion to the prisoner. They offered her some 
of their dresses, and tried to persuade her to 
quit her male attire. Joan, however, refused : 
she gave as her reason for not complying with 
their request that the time had not yet arrived 

136 yOAN OF ARC. 

for her to cease wearing the clothes she had 
worn during the time of her mission. That 
she had good reason not to don woman's attire 
even when at Beaurevoir, and keep to her male 
attire as a protection, is probable, as she was 
not safe from wanton insult at the hands of 
the rough soldiery placed about her person. 
This clinging to her male dress, we shall see, 
under similar circumstances at Rouen, was the 
principal indictment made against her by her 

At Beaurevoir Joan of Arc was placed in a 
chamber at the top of a high tower, whence 
Ligny thought that no attempt at escape would 
be made, but Joan of Arc tried once again to 
recover her liberty. In the course of her trial 
she told her judges how her voices counselled 
her not again to make this venture, and of her 
perplexity whether she should obey them, or, at 
the risk of her life, escape from the clutches of 
the English, for at this time she knew that she 
had been sold to her bitterest foes. 

What appears to have determined her de- 
cision was hearing that Compiegne was in 
imminent peril of falling into the hands of the 
English, and that the inhabitants would be 
massacred. In her desperation, feeling, like 
-young Arthur, that 

' The wall is high ; and yet will I leap down : — 
Good ground, be pitiful, and hurt me not ! . . . 
As good to die, and go, as die, and stay' 

she knotted some thongs together and let her- 
self out of a window ; but the thongs broke, and 


she fell from a great height — the tower is sup- 
posed to have been no less than sixty feet high. 
She was found unconscious at its foot, and for 
several days she was not expected to recover 
from the injuries she had received. But she 
was doomed for a far more terrible death. 

For several days Joan of Arc took no nour- 
ishment. Gradually she revived, and she told 
her jailers that her beloved Saint Catherine 
had visited and comforted her ; and she also 
told them that she knew Compiegne would not 
be taken, and would be free from its enemies 
before the Feast of Saint Martin. 

Beaurevoir is now a ruin : although above 
the lintel can still be seen the coat-of-arms of 
the jailer of the Maid, the tower in which she 
was imprisoned, and from which she so nearly 
met her death, has been destroyed. 

In the month of November of that year 
(1430), in spite of the entreaties of his wife 
and aunt, Ligny delivered up his prisoner into 
the custody of the Duke of Burgundy, from 
whose keeping she was soon transferred into 
that of the English. 

On the 20th of November the University 
of Paris sent a message to Cauchon, advising 
him to bring Joan of Arc before a tribunal. 
Cauchon, however, waited the arrival of Win- 
chester, bringing with him his great-nephew, 
Henry VI. Winchester arrived with the boy- 
king on the 2nd of December. The Cardinal 
intended the function of the crowning of his 
great-nephew to be as imposing a ceremony 


as possible ; and he also meant, by defaming 
the source of the French King's successes, to 
show the French people that Charles' coronation 
at Rheims had been brought about by what 
the Regent Bedford called a 'limb of the evil 
one.' It was, therefore, Bedford's plan that it 
should be declared before the world that Joan 
of Arc was inspired by Satanic agencies, and 
that consequently the French King's coronation 
was also due to these agencies. By similar 
means it would be made clear that all the 
French victories were owing to the same in- 
fluence ; for were it not, argued the English, 
they would be proved to have been themselves 
fighting against and defeated by — not the spirit 
of evil but — the spirit of righteousness. 

Nothing, indeed, could be clearer than Win- 
chester's argument. It was now only necessary 
that Joan of Arc should be at once placed on 
her trial as a sorceress and a witch — one 
who was in league with the evil one ; and, 
when that had been satisfactorily proved, that 
she should publicly meet with the fate which 
a merciful Church had, in its infinite wisdom, 
ordained for such as she. Thus would the 
English army and people be avenged, and the 
French King's crown and prerogative suffer an 
irreparable damage. 

From Beaurevoir, Joan of Arc was first taken 
to the town of Arras, thence to Crotoy, where, 
about the 21st of November, she was handed 
over to the English. 

A chronicler of that day writes that the 


English rejoiced as greatly on that occasion as 
if they had received all the wealth of Lombardy. 
The Duke of Burgundy had never merited the 
title of 'Good,' v^rhich, somehow^ or other, has 
been linked vi^ith his name. Had he been the 
most virtuous of princes of any time, he yet 
deserves to have his memory branded for the 
part he then took in the sale of Joan of Arc — a 
transaction whereof the poor excuse of not losing 
the benefits of his alliance with the English 
avails nothing. For this, if nothing else, we 
reverse the good fame which lying history has 
accorded him. 

In the underground portion of a tower at 
Crotoy, still to be seen, although the upper 
part has disappeared, facing the sea, is a door- 
way, which local tradition points out as that of 
the dungeon of Joan of Arc. Crotoy, or Le 
Crotoy, is on the coast of Picardy, a little to 
the north of Abbeville. In the fifteenth century 
it was a place of some warlike importance, 
especially to the English. Its situation near 
the coast, and the strength of its fortress, made 
Le Crotoy one of the principal places on the 
sea line, whence stores and war provender 
could be carried into France. Le Crotoy had 
fallen into possession of the English through 
the marriage of Henry III. with Eleanor of 
Castille, Countess of Ponthieu, of which Crotoy 
formed a part. During the hundred years' 
war, the port could receive vessels of con- 
siderable tonnage ; and from this point the 
booty taken by the English could be shipped 


and sent across the Channel. Now but a few- 
vestiges can be traced of its once strong and 
ably fortified castle. A few years ago, a statue, 
representing the Maid of Orleans in the garb 
of a prisoner, was placed near the ruins of the 
castle in which she passed most of the month 
of December, 1430. 

At Crotoy, Joan of Arc was permitted to 
assist at the celebration of the Mass in the 
chapel of the castle ; and while here she re- 
ceived a visit from some of her admirers from 
Abbeville — a few noble hearts who still re- 
mained loyal to the once all-powerful deliveress 
of their country, now a poor and abandoned 
prisoner on her road to a long imprisonment 
and a cruel death ! Touched by this mark of 
syrnpathy from these Abbeville folk, Joan gave 
them, on parting from them, her blessing, and 
asked them to remember her in their prayers. 
The enlightened clergy and doctors, lay and 
spiritual, who formed the body known as the 
University of Paris, preferred that Joan of Arc 
should be sent to the capital, there to undergo 
her trial, and wrote to this effect to Bedford, 
through the name of the boy-king. They also 
despatched a letter to Cauchon (probably inspired 
by Bedford), in which they rated him for not 
bringing the Maid at once to her trial. They 
told him he was showing a lamentable lax- 
ness in not immediately punishing the scandals 
which had been committed under his jurisdic- 
tion against the Christian religion. 

Paris was not considered enough of a safe 


place to take Joan of Arc into ; the French lay 
too near its walls, and the loyalty of its citizens 
to the English was a doubtful quantity. Besides, 
it was not convenient that the University of 
Paris should be allowed the entire direction of 
the trial. It was well that the University should 
be made use of; but Cauchon relied on the In- 
quisition to carry out his and Bedford's plan. 
Cauchon must be the principal agent and ju^ge, 
and he felt, with Bedford, that they had a freer 
hand if the trial were to be at Rouen ; therefore 
Rouen was decided on as the place of trial and 
punishment. Rouen, also, being in the midst of 
the English possessions, was perfectly safe from 
attack, should it occur to any of Joan of Arc's 
countrymen to attempt a rescue. 

At the close of December Joan of Arc was 
taken across the river Somme, in a boat, to 
Saint Valery, and thence, strongly guarded, and 
placed on horseback, she was led along the Nor- 
mSndy coast by Eure and Dieppe to the place 
of her martyrdom. On arriving at Rouen it 
was seriously debated by some of her captors 
whether or not she should be at once put to 
death. They suggested her being sewn into 
a sack and thrown into the river ! The reason 
these people gave for summarily disposing of 
Joan of Arc without form or trial was that, as 
long as she lived, there was no security for 
the English in France. As has already been 
noticed, those who commanded and sided with 
the English were desirous that Joan of Arc 
should be first branded as a witch and a 

142 yOAN OF ARC. 

sorceress, both by the doctors of the Church 
and by the State, before being put to death. 

Arrived at Rouen, Joan of Arc was immured 
in the old fortress built by Philip Augustus, 
One tower alone remains of the seven massive 
round towers which surrounded the circular 
castle. Her jailers had the barbarity to place 
their prisoner in an iron cage, in which she 
was fastened with iron rings and chains, one 
at the neck, another at the hands, and a third 
confining the feet. Joan was thus caged as if 
she were a wild animal until her trial com- 
menced. After that, she was chained to a 
miserable truckle bed. 

A chronicler of that time, named Macy, 
tells the following story of an incident which, for 
the sake of English manhood, one trusts is un- 
true. Among others who went to see Joan 
of Arc in her prison came one day the Earl 
of Warwick, with Lord Stafford and Ligny — 
Joan's former jailer. The latter told her in a 
jeering way that he had come to buy her back 
from the English, provided she promised never 
again to make war against them. 

'You are mocking me,' said Joan of Arc. 
' For I know that you have not the power to 
do that, neither the will.' And she added, ' I 
know well that these English will kill me, 
thinking that by doing so they will reconquer 
the kingdom of France ; but even if there were 
one hundred thousand Godons more in France 
than there are now, they will never again con- 
quer the kingdom ! ' 


On hearing these words Stafford drew his 
dagger, and would have struck her had not 
Warwick prevented the cowardly act. 

Cauchon formed his tribunal of the follow- 
ing :— 

1. John Graverent,. a Dominican priest, D.D., 
Grand Inquisitor of France. It was he who 
appointed John Lemaitre as judge in the trial 
of the Maid. The following July this Grave- 
rent preached a sermon in Paris, in which he 
glorified the death of Joan of Arc. 

2. John Lemaitre, who represented the In- 
quisition on the trial. He was a Dominican 
prior. He appears to have been a feeble- 
minded creature, and a mere tool of Cauchon 
and Graverent. 

3. Martin Bellarme, D.D., another Domini- 
can, and also a member of the Inquisition. 

4. John d'Estivet, surnamed ' Bdnddicit6,' 
canon of Beauvais and Bayeux, was another of 
Cauchon's creatures. He acted the part of 
Proaweur-Ghidral during the trial. D'Estivet 
was a gross and cruel ecclesiastic, and it is 
somewhat satisfactory to know his end. He 
was found dead in a muddy ditch soon after 
Joan of Arc's death. As M. Fabre justly says, 
' He perished in his native element.' 

5. John de la Fontaine, M.A. He was 
Conseille d' Instruction during the trial. In the 
course of it he was threatened by Cauchon 
for having given some friendly advice to the 
prisoner, and escaped from Rouen before the 
conclusion of the trial. 


6, 7, 8. William Manchon, William Colles, 
and Nicolas Taquel, all three recorders. They 
belonged to the Church. It is to Manchon 
that we are indebted for a summary of the 
most interesting account of the trial. We shall 
find that at the time of Joan's execution this 
man was horrified at the part he had taken 
in it. He confesses his horror at having re- 
ceived money for his infamy, but instead of 
casting his blood-money at the feet of Cauchon, 
and hanging himself like another Judas, he some- 
what naively informs us that he laid it out in 
the purchase of a breviary in order to pray for 
the soul of the martyr. 

9. Massieu, another priest, who acted as the 
sherifFs officer. He appears to have had feel- 
ings of humanity, and attended Joan to the end. 

10. Louis de Luxembourg, Bishop of The- 
rouenne and the Chancellor of France to King 
Henry VI. This bishop was the go-between of 
Cauchon and Winchester throughout the trial ; 
but he only appears to have taken part in these 
occasions during the examinations. It was he 
who was made Archbishop of Rouen, which 
post Cauchon had hoped to gain ; and it was 
for this archbishopric that Cauchon had taken 
the presiding post during the trial. 

11. John de Mailly, Bishop of Noyon ; he 
was another staunch auxiliary of Cauchon. In 
the year 1456, at the trial for the rehabilitation 
of Joan of Arc's memory, Mailly signed his name 
among those who condemned the deed he had 
helped to carry out. 


12. Zanon de Castiglione, Bishop of Lisieux. 
One of the reasons that this man gave for 
condemning Joan of Arc to the stake was that 
she was born in too low a rank of Hfe to have 
been inspired by God. This decision makes one 
wonder so aristocratic a prelate could demean 
himself by belonging to a religion which owed 
its origin to One who had followed the trade 
of a carpenter. 

13. Philibert de Montjeu, Bishop of Cou- 

14. John de Saint Av6t, Bishop of Av- 
ranches. The latter was the only one of the 
above Bishops, Dominicans, and members of 
the French Church who gave his vote against 
the condemnation of Joan of Arc, although the 
trial minutes have not recorded the fact. 

Besides the above French prelates, were : — 

15. John Beaupere, M.A. and D.D., formerly 
a rector of the University of Paris, also a 
canon of Besan9on. It was he who, with the 
following five representatives of the University 
of Paris, took the most prominent part in the 
cross-questioning of the prisoner. 

16. Thomas de Courcelles, a canon of 
Amiens, of Thdrouenne, and of Laon. This 
person was employed to read the articles of 
accusation to the prisoner, and was in favour 
of employing torture to make Joan confess 
what was required of her by her prosecutors. 
He was considered one of the shining lights of 
the University of Paris. He died in 1469, 
and until the Revolution an engraved slab, on 



which his virtues and learning were recorded, 
covered his remains. 

17. Gerard Feuillet. He was sent to Paris 
during the trial in order to lay the twelve ar- 
ticles of accusation before the University, and did 
not take part in the latter portion of the trial. 

18. Nicolas Midi, D.D., a celebrated preacher. 
He is supposed to have been the author of the 
twelve articles ; and he it was who preached a 
sermon at the time of the execution of Joan of 
Arc. Attacked soon after by leprosy, he suffi- 
ciently recovered to see Charles VH. enter 
Paris ; and he had the audacity to send the 
King an address of felicitation in the name of 
the faculties of the University by whose instru- 
mentality Joan of Arc had been executed. 

19. Peter Morice, a doctor of the University 
and a canon of Rouen. He was one of the most 
eager to bring Joan to the stake. 

20. James de Touraine, also a doctor of the 
University, was violently hostile to Joan of Arc. 

The above six doctors, with Cauchon, were 
those who had most to do with the proceed- 
ings of the trial, and those whose duty it was 
principally to question the prisoner. 

21. Nicolas Loiseleur, M.A., a canon of 
Rouen ; he was the most abject of all the gang 
of priests and doctors who formed part of this 
infamous tribunal. It was Loiseleur who, in the 
disguise of a layman, attempted to worm secrets 
from Joan, pretending to be her friend and sym- 
pathiser. When he found he gained nothing 
by the subterfuge, he resumed his clerical garb. 


and succeeded in getting, under the promise of 
secrecy from his order, a confession from the 
prisoner. He also introduced spies into the 
prison who took notes of Joan's words. When 
the idea was mooted of putting Joan of Arc to 
the torture, Loiseleur was one of the most urgent 
for it to be applied. However, on the day of 
the execution this man, who, strange as it may 
seem, appears to have had some kind of con- 
science, or at least to have been able to feel 
remorse for the base part he had played in 
the trial of the Maid, implored Joan of Arc's 
forgiveness. He, however, after the execution, 
helped Cauchon to spread calumnies regarding 
their victim. This infamous scoundrel died sud- 
denly at Basle. 

22. Raoul Roussel de Vernon, D.C.L., and 
the canon treasurer of the Cathedral of Rouen. 
He acted throughout the trial as reporter. In 
1443 Roussel became Archbishop of Rouen. 

23. Robert Barbier, also a D.C. L., and canon 
of Rouen Cathedral. 

24. Nicolas Coppequesne, also a canon of 
Rouen Cathedral. 

25. Nicolas de Venderes, a canon of Rouen, 
and Cauchon's chaplain. 

26. John Alessee, also a canon of Rouen. 
This Alessde was greatly moved at the heroine's 
death, and exclaimed, ' I pray to God my soul 
may one day be where hers is now.' 

27. Raoul Auguy, another canon. 

28. William de Baubribosc, also a canon of 


29. John Brullot, another canon and pre- 
centor of Rouen. 

30. John Basset, another canon and a M.A. 

31. John Brullot, another canon. Besides 
these were seventeen others, named Cava], 
Columbel, Cormeilles, Crotoy, Duchemin, Dube- 
sert, Garin, Gastinel, Ledoux, Leroy, Maguerie, 
Manzier, Morel, Morellet, Pinchon, Saulx, and 
Pasquier de Vaux, who became Bishop of 
Meaux, Evreux, and Lisieux. In all, nine-and- 
twenty canons of Rouen. 

After these came a list of mitred abbots, 
priors, and heads of religious houses : Peter 
de Crique, Prior of Sigy ; William Lebourg, 
Prior of the College of Saint L6 of Rouen ; 
Peter Migiet, Prior of Longueville. 

After these priors came eleven abbots : 
Durement, Abbot of Fdcamp, later Bishop of 
Coutances ; Benel, Abbot of Courcelles ; De 
Conti, Abbot of Sainte Catherine ; Dacier, 
Abbot of Saint Corneille of Compiegne ; Frique, 
Abbot of Bee ; Jolivet, Abbot of Saint Michael's 
Mount in Normandy ; Labb^, Abbot of Saint 
George de Bocherville ; Leroux, Abbot of 
Jumieges ; Du Masle, Abbot of Saint Ouen ; 
Moret, Abbot of Prdaux ; and Theroude, Abbot 
of Mortemer. 

Besides these there were many doctors and 
assessors from the University of Paris ; among 
the latter lot appears the name of an English 
priest, William Haiton, a secretary of Henry VI. 
He and William Alnwick, Bishop of Norwich, 
Privy Seal to the English King, are the only 


two names belonging to the English clergy 
who took part in the trial. The Cardinal of 
Winchester never once appeared during the 
proceedings, although he was, together with 
Cauchon, the prime mover in the business. To 
complete the list of the other French clergy — 
French only by birth and nationality indeed — 
must be added the names of Chatillon, Arch- 
deacon of Evreux ; Erard, Canon of Langres, 
Laon, and Beauvais ; Martin Ladvenu, a Domi- 
nican priest, one of the few who showed some 
humanity to the prisoner. It was Ladvenu who 
heard her confession on the day of her exe- 
cution, and who after her death testified to 
her saintliness. Isambard de la Pierre, also a 
Dominican. Although he voted for her death, 
de la Pierre showed signs of pity and compas- 
sion for his victim, and assisted her at her last 
moments. Testimony to her pure character was 
given by him in the time of her rehabilitation. 
Besides these were Emenyart, Fiexvet, Guer- 
don, Le Fevre, Delachambre, and Tiphanie, all of 
whom, with the exception of the last two, who 
were doctors of medicine, were members of the 
University. As we have already stated, out 
of this vast crowd of ecclesiastics and a few 
laymen, only two Englishmen took part in the 
trial. But the immediate guard of the prisoner 
was composed of English soldiers — namely, of 
the following : John Gris, an English knight, 
one of Henry's bodyguard, who was in personal 
attendance on Joan of Arc ; also John Berwoit 
(.?) and William Talbot, subordinator to Gris. 


These men commanded a set of soldiers called 
houspilleurs, placed in the cell of the prisoner 
day and night. According to J. Bellow's pocket 
dictionary, the term houspilleur is derived from 
the old French term houspiller — Ang. 'to worry.' 
And these fellows certainly carried out that 
meaning of the word. 

If anything is needed to prove what an 
important case the English and those allied to 
them in France considered that of Joan of Arc, 
the great number of prelates and doctors as- 
sembled to judge her is sufficient to show. 
The doctors who had been summoned to attend 
the trial, and who had come to Rouen from 
Paris, were well paid by Winchester. Some of 
the receipts are still in existence. The Inquisi- 
tion and Cauchon also received pay from the 
English Government. 

Besides money, as we have said, Cauchon 
expected also to receive the Archbishopric of 
Rouen for his zeal in bringing Joan of Arc to 
the stake. Cupidity, lust of place and power, 
and fear of the enemies of the French were the 
principal motives which influenced these men, 
whose names should for ever be execrated. 
In truth, a vulgar greed induced them to de- 
stroy one of the noblest creatures that had 
ever honoured humanity. 

The proces-verbal and the minutes of the 
trial were written in Latin, and translated by 
Thomas de Courcelles ; only a portion of the 
original translation has been preserved. There 
were three reporters who took notes during the 


trial — Manchon, Colles, and Taquel. The notes 
in Latin, written as the trial proceeded, were 
collected in the evenings, and translated into 
French by Manchon. 

One difficult question arises — namely, are 
these notes to be relied on ? Manchon appears 
to have been honest in his writing, but Cauchon 
was not to be trifled with in what he wished 
noted, as the following instance will show. A 
sheriffs officer, named Massieu, was overheard 
to say that Joan of Arc had done nothing 
worthy of the death sentence. It was repeated 
to Cauchon, who threatened to have Massieu 
drowned. When Isambert de la Pierre advised 
Joan to submit herself to the Council then hold- 
ing meetings at Bale, to which she assented, 
Cauchon shouted out, ' In the devil's name hold 
your peace ! ' On being asked by Manchon 
whether the prisoner's wish to submit her case 
to the Council at Bale should be placed on the 
minutes of the trial, Cauchon roughly refused. 
Joan of Arc overhearing this, said, ' You write 
down what is against my interest, but not what 
is in my favour.' But we think the truth comes 
out, on the whole, pretty clearly ; and we have in 
the answers of Joan to her judges, however much 
these answers may have been altered to suit 
Cauchon's views and ultimate object, a splendid 
proof of her presence of mind and courage. 
This she maintained day after day in the face 
of that crowd of enemies who left no stone 
unturned, no subtlety of law or superstition 
disused, to bring a charge of guilt against her. 


No victory of arms that Joan of Arc might 
have accomplished, had her career continued 
one bright and unclouded success, could have 
shown in a grander way the greatness of her 
character than her answers and her bearing 
during the entire course of her examinations 
before her implacable enemies, her judicial 

After holding some preliminary and private 
meetings, in which Cauchon, with some of the 
prelates, drew up a series of articles of indict- 
ment against the prisoner, the first public sitting 
of the tribunal took place in the chapel of 
the castle, in the same building in which Joan 
was imprisoned. 

This was on the 21st of February, 1431. 
As we have said, from the day of her arrival in 
Rouen, at the end of December of the previous 
year, till this 21st day of February, Joan had 
been kept in an iron cage — a martyrdom of 
fifty days' daily and nightly torture. During the 
trial her confinement was less barbarous, but 
she was kept chained to a wooden bed, and 
the only wonder is that she did not succumb 
to this barbarous imprisonment. We shall see 
that she fell seriously ill, and the English at 
one time feared she would die a natural death, 
and defeat their object of having her exposed 
and destroyed as a witch and a heretic. 

On the day before the meeting of the tri- 
bunal, Cauchon sent summonses for all the 
judges to attend. Joan of Arc had meanwhile 
made two demands, both of which were re- 


fused. One was, that an equal number of 
clergy belonging to the French party should 
form an equal number in the tribunal to those 
of the English faction. The other demand 
was that she should be allowed to hear Mass 
before appearing before the tribunal. 

At eight in the morning of Wednesday, the 
2 1 St of February, Cauchon took his seat as 
presiding judge for the trial about to com- 
mence. Beneath him were ranged forty-three 
assessors — there were ninety-five assessors in 
all who took part in the trial. On the public 
days their numbers varied from between forty 
to sixty. 

The prisoner was led into the chapel by 
the priest Massieu. Cauchon opened the pro- 
ceedings with the following harangue : — 

'This woman,' he said, pointing to Joan of 
Arc, ' this woman has been seized and ap- 
prehended some time back, in the territory of 
our diocese of Beauvais. Numerous acts in- 
jurious to the orthodox faith have been com- 
mitted by her, not merely in our diocese, but 
in many other regions. The public voice which 
accuses her of such crimes has become known 
throughout Christendom, and quite recently the 
high and very Christian Prince, our lord the 
King, has delivered her up and given her in 
our custody in order that a trial in the cause of 
religion shall be made, as it seemeth right and 
proper. For as much in the eyes of public 
opinion, and owing to certain matters which 
have come to our knowledge' — (Cauchon here 

1 54 JOAN OF ARC. 

refers to the information that he sought to 
obtain from Domremy : as nothing could be 
learnt there but what redounded to Joan of 
Arc's credit, no further use was made of the in- 
formation by the Bishop) — ' we have, with the 
assistance of learned doctors in religious and 
civil law, called you together in order to 
examine the said Joan, in order that she be 
examined on matters relating to faith. There- 
fore,' he continued, 'we desire in this trial that 
you fill the duty of your office for the preserva- 
tion and exaltation of the Catholic faith ; and, 
with the Divine assistance of our Lord, we call 
upon you to expedite these proceedings for the 
welfare of your consciences, that you speak the 
plain and honest truth, without subterfuge or 
concealment, on all questions that will be made 
you touching the faith. And in the first place 
we call upon you to take the oath in the form 
prescribed. Swear, the hands placed on the 
Gospels, that you will answer the truth in the 
questions that will be asked you.' 

The latter words the Bishop had addressed 
to Joan ; who answered that she knew not on 
what Cauchon would question her. ' Perhaps, 
she said, ' you will ask me things about which 
I cannot answer you.' 

'Will you swear,' said Cauchon, 'to tell the 
truth respecting the things which will be asked 
you concerning the faith, and of which you are 
cognisant ? ' 

' Of all things regarding my family, and what 
things I have done since coming into France, I 


will gladly answer ; but, as regards the revelation 
which I have received from God, I have never 
revealed to any one, except to Charles my King, 
and I will never reveal these things, even if 
my head were to be cut off, because my voices 
have ordered me not to confide these things to 
any one save the King. But,' she continued, 'in 
eight days' time I shall know whether or not I 
may be allowed to tell you about them.' 

Cauchon then repeated his question to the 
prisoner, namely, whether she would answer any 
questions put to her regarding matters of faith, 
and the Gospels were placed before her. The 
prisoner, kneeling, laid her hands upon them, 
and swore to speak the truth in what was asked 
her as regarded matters of faith. 

' What is your name ? ' asked Cauchon. 

J. — ' In my home I was called Jeannette. 
Since I came to France I was called Joan. I 
have no surname.' 

C. — ' Where were you born ? ' 

J. — ' At Domremy, near Greux. The prin- 
cipal church is at Greux.' 

C. — ' What are your parents' names } ' 

J. — ' My father's name is James d'Arc ; my 
mother's, Isabella.' 

C. — ' Where were you baptized } ' 

J. — 'At Domremy.' 

Cauchon then asked her the names of her 
god - parents, who baptized her, her age (she 
was about nineteen), and what her education 
amounted to. 

' I have learnt,' Joan said, in answer to the 

1 56 JOAN OF ARC. 

last question, ' from my mother the Paternoster, 
the Ave Maria, and the BeHef. All that I know 
has been tanght me by my mother.' 

Cauchon then called upon her to repeat the 
Lord's Prayer. 

In trials for heresy the prisoners had to 
repeat this prayer before the judges. At the 
commencement of Joan of Arc's trial the crime 
of magic was brought against her, but as Cau- 
chon completely failed to find any evidence for 
such a charge against his prisoner, he altered 
the charge of magic into one of heresy. It 
was probably supposed that a heretic would 
be unable to repeat the prayer and the creed, 
being under diabolic influence. 

Joan of Arc then asked whether she might 
make her confession before the tribunal. Cau- 
chon refused this request, but told her that 
he would send some one to whom she might 
confess. He then warned her that if she were 
to leave her prison she would be condemned 
as a heretic. Considering the way she was 
chained to her cell, it sounds strange that 
Cauchon should fear her flight. 

'I have never,' the Maid said, 'given my' 
promise not to attempt to escape if I can.' 

' Have you anything to complain about ? ' 
asked the Bishop ; and Joan then said how 
cruelly she was fastened by chains round her 
body and her feet. Probably, had she then pro- 
mised not to escape from prison, this severity 
would have been relaxed, but Joan of Arc 
had not the spirit to stoop to her persecutors ; 


she would not give her word not to get free if 
she could. ' The hope of escape is allowed to 
every prisoner,' she bravely said. 

At the close of the sitting, John Gris, the 
English knight who had the chief charge over 
the prisoner, with the two soldiers Berwoit 
and Talbot, were called, and took an oath not 
to allow the prisoner to see any one without 
Cauchon's permission, and to strictly guard the 
prisoner. And with that the first day's trial 

Manchon, in his minutes on the day's pro- 
ceedings, says that shouts and interruptions 
interfered with the reporters and their notes, 
and that Joan of Arc was repeatedly interrupted. 
Cauchon had placed some of his clerks behind 
the tapestry in the depth of a window of the 
chapel, whose duty it was to make a garbled 
copy of Joan of Arc's answers to suit the Bishop. 

Possibly finding the chapel of the castle 
too small for the number of people present at 
the trial, the next meeting of the judges was 
held in a different place, more suitable — namely, 
in the great hall of the castle. That second 
day's trial took place on the 22 nd of February. 
The tribunal consisted of Cauchon and forty- 
seven assessors. 

Cauchon commenced the proceedings by in- 
troducing John Lemaitre, vicar of the Inquisi- 
tion, to the judges, after which Joan was 
brought into the hall — a splendid chamber used 
on happier occasions for festivities and Court 

1 58 JOAN OF ARC. 

Cauchon again commanded the prisoner to 
take the oath, as on the first day's trial. She 
said that she had already once sworn to speak 
nothing but the truth, and that that should 
suffice. Cauchon still insisted, and again Joan 
replied that as far as any question was put to 
her regarding faith and religion she had pro- 
mised to answer, but that she could not promise 
more, and Cauchon failed to get anything more 
from her. 

The Bishop then applied to one of the doc- 
tors of theology to examine and cross-question 
the prisoner. This man's name was Beaupere. 

B. — ■' In the first place, Joan, I will exhort 
you to tell the truth, as you have sworn to do, 
on all that I may have to ask you.' 

J. — 'You may ask me questions on which 
I shall be able to answer you, and on others 
about which I cannot. If you were well in- 
formed about me you should wish me out of 
your power. All that I have done has been 
the work of revelation.' 

B. — ' How old were you when you left your 
home ?' 

J. — ' I do not exactly know.' 

B. — ' Did you learn any trade at home ? ' 

J. — ' Yes, to sew and to spin, and for that 
I am not afraid to be matched by any woman 
in Rouen.' 

B. — ' Did you not once leave your father's 
house before you left it altogether ? ' 

J. — ' We left for fear of the Burgundians, 
and I once left my father's house and went to 


Neufchateau in Lorraine, to visit a woman 
named La Rousse, where I remained for fifteen 
days. ' 

B. — ' What was your occupation when at 
home ? ' 

J. — 'When I was with my father I looked 
after the household affairs, and I went but sel- 
dom with the sheep and cattle to the fields.' 

B. — ' Did you make your confession every 
year ? ' 

J. — ' Yes, to my curate, and when he was 
prevented hearing it, to another priest, with my 
curate's permission. I think on two or three 
occasions I have confessed to mendicant friars. 
That happened at Neufchateau. I took the 
Communion at Easter.' 

B. — ' Have you received the Eucharist at 
other festivals besides that of Easter ? ' 

Joan of Arc said that what she had already 
told regarding this question was sufficient. 

' Passes outre ' is the term she used, not an 
easy one to translate. Perhaps 'that will suffice' 
is like it. 

Beaupere now began questioning Joan of 
Arc regarding 'her voices,' and one can ima- 
gine how eagerly this portion of the prisoner's 
examination must have been listened to by all 

'When did you first hear the voices?' asked 

'I was thirteen,' answered Joan, 'when I 
first heard a voice coming from God to help 
me to live well. That first time I was much 


alarmed. The voice came to me about mid-day; 
it was in the summer, and I was in my father's 

' Had you been fasting ? ' asked Beaupere. 

J. — ' Yes, I had been fasting.' 

B. — 'Had you fasted on the day before?' 

J.— 'No, I had not.' 

B. — ' From what direction did the voices 
come ? ' 

J. — ' I heard the voice coming from my right 
— from towards the church.' 

B. — ' Was the voice accompanied with a 
bright light?' 

J. — ' Seldom did I hear it without seeing a 
bright light. The light came from the same 
side as did the voice, and it was generally very 
brilliant. When I came into France I often 
heard the voices very loud.' 

B. — -^ How could you see the light when you 
say it was at the side ? ' 

To this question Joan gave no direct answer, 
but she said that when she was in a wood she 
would hear the voices coming towards her. 

'What,' next asked Beaupere, 'what did 
you think this voice which manifested itself to 
you sounded like ? ' 

J. — ' It seemed to me a very noble voice, 
and I think it was sent to me by God. When 
I heard it for the third time I recognised it as 
being the voice of an angel.' 

B. — ' Could you understand it ? ' 

J. — 'It was always quite clear, and I could 
easily understand it' 



B. — ' What advice did it give you regarding 
the salvation of your soul ? ' 

J. — ' It told me to conduct myself well, and 
to attend the services of the Church regularly ; 
and it told me that it was necessary that I 
should go to France.' 

B. — ' In what manner of form did the voice 
appear ? ' 

J- — 'As to that I will give you no answer.' 

B. — ' Did that voice solicit you often ? ' 

J. — ' It said to me two or three times a 
week, " Leave your village and go to France." ' 

B. — ' Did your father know of your depar- 
ture ? ' 

J. — ' He knew nothing about it. The 
voice said, "Go to France," so I could not 
remain at home any longer.' 

B. — ' What else did it say to you ? ' 

J. — ' It told me that I should raise the siege 
of Orleans.' 

B.— ' Was that all ? ' 

J. — ' The same voice told me to go to Vau- 
couleurs, to Robert de Baudricourt, captain of 
that place, and that he would give me soldiers 
to accompany me on my journey ; and I 
answered it, that I was a poor girl who did 
not know how to ride, neither how to fight.' 

B. — ' What did you do then 1 ' 

J. — ' I went to my uncle, and told him that 
I wished to remain with him for some time, 
and I lived with him eight days. I then told 
him that I must go to Vaucouleurs, and he took 
me there. When I arrived there I recognised 


Robert de Baudricourt, although it was the 
first time that I saw him.' 

B. — 'How, then, did you recognise him?' 

J. — ' I knew him through my voices. They 
said to me, "This is the man," and I said to 
him, " I must go to France." Twice he re- 
fused to Hsten to me. The third time he re- 
ceived me. The voices had told me this would 

B. — ' Had you not some business with the 
Duke of Lorraine ? ' 

J. — 'The Duke ordered that I should be 
brought to him. I went and said to him, " I 
must go to France." The Duke asked me 
how he should recover his health. I told him 
I knew nothing about that.' 

B. — ' Did you speak much to him about your 
journey ? ' 

J. — ' I told him very little about it. But I 
asked him to allow his son, with some soldiers, 
to go to France with me, and that I should 
pray God to cure him. I had gone to him with 
a safe conduct. After leaving him I returned 
to Vaucouleurs.' 

B. — ' How were you dressed when you 
left Vaucouleurs ? ' 

J. — 'When I left Vaucouleurs I wore a 
man's dress. I had on a sword which Robert 
de Baudricourt had given me, without any 
other arms. I was accompanied by a knight, a 
squire, and four servants. We went to the 
town of Saint Urban, and I passed that night 
in the abbey. On the way, we passed through 


the town of Auxerre, where I attended mass in 
the principal church. At that time I heard my 
voices often, with that one of which I have al- 
ready spoken.' 

B. — ' Tell me, now, by whose advice did you 
come to wear the dress of a man ? ' 

Joan of Arc refused to answer, in spite of 
being repeatedly told to do so. 

B. — ' What did Baudricourt say to you when 
you left ? ' 

J. — ' He made them who went with me 
promise to take charge of me, and as I left he 
said, "Go, and let come what may!"' i^Ad- 
vienne que pourra /) 

B. — ' What do you know regarding the 
Duke of Orleans, now a prisoner in England } ' 

J. — ' I know that God protects the Duke 
of Orleans, and I have had more revelations 
about the Duke than about any other person 
in the world, with the exception of the King.' 

She was now again asked as to who it was 
who had advised her to wear male attire. She 
said it was necessary that she should dress in 
that manner. 

' Did your voice tell you so ? ' was asked her. 

' I believe my voice gave me good advice,' 
she answered. 

B. — ' What did you do on arriving at 

J. — ' I sent a letter to the English before 
Orleans. In it I told them to depart ; a copy 
of this letter has been read to me here in 
Rouen. There are two or three sentences in 


that copy which were not in my letter. For 
instance, " Give back to the Maiden " should 
read, "Give back to the King." Also these 
words, "Troop for troop" and "Commander-in- 
chief," which were not in my letters.' 

In this Joan of Arc was mistaken, M. 
Fabre points out in his Life of the Maid of 
Orleans, the text being the same both in the 
original and in the copy of the letter. 

B. — 'When at Chinon, could you see as 
often as you wished him you call your King?' 

J. — ' I used to go whenever I wished to 
see my King. When I arrived at the village 
of Sainte Catherine de Fierbois, I sent a 
messenger to Chinon to the King. W^e ar- 
rived about mid-day at Chinon, and lodged at 
an inn. After dinner I went to see the King 
at the castle.' 

Either here Joan of Arc, or the reporter, 
which is more likely, makes a slip, as she did 
not see Charles till two days after her arrival 
at Chinon. 

B. — ' Who pointed out the King to you ? ' 

J. — ' When I entered the chamber I re- 
cognised the King from among all the others, 
my voices having revealed him to me. I told 
the King that I wished to go and make war 
on the English.' 

B. — ' When your voices revealed your King 
to you, were they accompanied by any light ? ' 

Joan made no answer. 

B. — ' Did you see any angel above the 
figure of the King ? ' 


'Spare me such questions,' pleaded Joan; 
but the Inquisitor was not to be so easily 
put off, and repeated the question again and 
again, until Joan said that the King had also 
seen visions and heard revelations. 

' What were these revelations ? ' asked the 

This Joan refused to answer, and told 
Beaupere that he might, if he liked, send to 
Charles and ask him. 

' Did you expect the King to see you .'' ' 
then asked the priest. 

Her answer was that the voice had promised 
her that the King would soon see her after 
her arrival. 

'And why,' asked Beaupere, 'did he 
receive you ? ' 

'Those on my side,' said Joan, 'knew well 
that I was sent by God; they have known 
and acknowledged that voice.' 

' Who ? ' asked Beaupere. 

'The King and others,' answered Joan, 'have 
heard the voices coming to me. Charles of 
Bourbon also, and two or three others.' 

(The Charles of Bourbon was the Count 
of Clermont.) 

' Did you often hear that voice ? ' asked 
the priest. 

'Not a day passes that I do not hear it,' 
Joan replied. 

'What do you ask of it?' inquired Beaupere. 

'I have never,' answered Joan, 'asked for 
any recompense, except the salvation of my soul.' 


' Did the voice always encourage you to 
follow the army ? ' 

' The voice told me to remain at Saint 
Denis. I wished to remain, but against my 
will the knights obliged me to leave. I would 
have remained had I had my free-will.' 

'When were you wounded?' asked Beaupere. 

'I was wounded,' Joan answered, 'in the 
moat before Paris, having gone there from 
Saint Denis. At the end of five days I re- 

' What did you attempt to do against 
Paris ? ' 

Joan answered that she had made one 
skirmish {escarmoviche) in front of Paris. 

' Was it on a feast day ? ' asked the priest. 

' It was,' replied Joan. And on being 
asked if she considered it right to make an 
attack on such a day, she refused to answer. 

It is plain that the gist of those questions 
made by Beaupere was to try and make Joan 
of Arc avow that her voices had given her 
evil counsel. On the following day the same 
tactics were pursued. 

The third meeting of the tribunal was 
held on the 24th of February, in the same 
chamber. Sixty-two assessors were present. 
Again Cauchon commenced by admonishing 
Joan to tell the truth on all subjects asked 
her, and again she protested that as far as her 
revelations were concerned she could give no 
answers. On Cauchon insisting, she said, 'Take 
care what you, who are my judge, undertake, 


for you take a terrible responsibility on your- 
self, and you presume too far. It is enough,' 
she added, 'that I have already twice taken 
the oath.' 

Upon her saying this, Cauchon lost all 
control, and he stormed and threatened her 
with instant condemnation if she refused to 
take the oath. 

' All the clergy in Paris and Rouen could 
not condemn me,' was the proud answer, 'if 
they had not the right to do so.' But, as on 
the previous occasions, she said she would 
willingly answer all questions relating to her 
deeds since leaving her home, but that it 
would take many days for her to tell them 
all. Wearied with the persistence and threats 
of her arch-tormentor, Cauchon, Joan said that 
she had been sent by God and wished to 
return to God. ' I have nothing more to do 
here,' she added. 

Beaupere was again ordered to cross-examine 
the prisoner. 

He began by asking her when she had 
last eaten. 

' Not since yesterday at mid-day,' she said. 
(It was then Lent.) 

Beaupere then began again to question her 
reo-arding the voice. When had she last heard 

'On the previous day,' Joan said, 'and also 
on that day too.' 

' At what o'clock of the day before ? ' 

Thrice she had heard the voice in the 


morning, and once at the hour of Vespers, 

and again when the Ave Maria was being 


' What were you doing,' asked Beaupere, 

' when the voices called you ? ' 

'I was sleeping,' answered Joan, 'and the 

voice awoke me.' 

' Did it awake you by touching your arm ? ' 

' The voice awoke me without its touching me.' 

' Was it in your room ? ' 

' Not that I know, but it was in the castle.' 

'Did you acknowledge it by kneeling?' 

' I acknowledged its presence by sitting up 

and clasping my hands. I had begged for its 


' And what did it say to you ? ' 

' It told me to answer boldly.' 

' Tell us more clearly what it said to you.' 

'I asked its advice in what I should answer, 

and bade it ask the Saviour for counsel. And 

the voice said, "Answer boldly; God will help 

J) » 


'Had it said anything to you before you 
interrupted it ? ' 

' Some words it had said which I did not 
clearly comprehend ; but when fully awake I 
understood it to tell me to answer boldly.' 
Then, emboldened as it seemed by the recollec- 
tion of that voice, she turned to Cauchon and 
exclaimed, ' You, Bishop, you tell me that you 
are my judge — have a care how you act, for 
in truth I am sent by God, and your position 
is one of great peril.' 


Then Beaupere broke in again, and asked 
Joan of Arc if the voice had ever altered its 
advice, and whether it had told Joan not to 
answer all the questions that would be put to her. 

'I cannot answer you about that,' said Joan. 
' I have revelations of matters concerning the 
King which I shall not reveal.' 

The Maid then asked whether she might 
wait for fifteen days, in order that, by that 
time, she might know whether she might, or 
might not, answer questions relating to this point. 

The priest then asked whether she knew 
that the voice came from God. 

'Yes,' she answered, 'and by this order — 
that,' she continued, ' I believe as firmly as I 
believe the Christian religion, and that God 
has saved us from the pains of hell.' 

She was then asked if the voice was that 
of a male or of a female. 

'It is a voice sent by God,' she only 
deigned to say to this. 

Joan again asked for an interval of fifteen 
days, in order that she might better be able 
in that time to know how much she might 
reveal to her judges relating to her voices. 

On being asked whether she believed the 
Almighty would be displeased at her telling 
the whole truth, she said that she had been 
ordered by the voices to reveal certain things 
to the King, and not to her judges ; that her 
voices had told her that very night many things 
for the good of the King which he alone was 
to know. 


But, asked Beaupere, could she not prevail 
on the voices to visit the King ? 

' I know not if the voices would consent,' 
she answered. 

' But why,' then asked Beaupere, ' does 
the voice not speak to the King now, as it 
did formerly, when you were with him ? ' 

' I know not if it be the wish of God,' Joan 
answered : ' without the grace of God I should 
be able to do nothing.' 

This remark, most innocent to our compre- 
hension, was afterwards made use of as a weapon 
to accuse the prisoner of the charge of heresy. 

Later on in the day Beaupere asked Joan 
if the voice had form and features. This the 
prisoner refused to answer. 

'There is a saying among children,' she 
said, ' that one is sometimes hanged for speak- 
ing the truth.' 

On being asked by Beaupere if she was 
sure of being in a state of grace — a question to 
which he had carefully led up, and whereby 
Cauchon hoped to entrap her into a state- 
ment which might be used in the accusation 
of heresy he was now framing against Joan 
of Arc — her answer even disarmed the Bishop. 

' If I am not, may God place me in it ; if I 
am already, may He keep me in it.' 

When that test question had been put to 
the prisoner, one of the judges, guessing the 
object of its being made, expostulated, to 
Cauchon's rage — who roughly bade him hold 
his peace. 


To that triumphant reply Joan of Arc added 
these words : ' If I am not in God's grace I 
should be the most unhappy being in the 
world, and I do not think, were I living in sin, 
that my voices would come to me. Would,' 
she cried, ' that every one could hear them as 
well as I do myself ! ' 

Beaupere then asked her about her child- 
hood, and when she had first heard the voices. 
Asked if there were many people at Dom- 
remy in favour of the Burgundians, she said 
she only knew of one individual. Then came 
a string of questions about the fairy-well, the 
haunted oak-tree. All these questions Joan fully 
answered. She had never, she said, seen a 
fairy, nor had she heard the prophecy about 
the oak wood from which a maid was to come 
and deliver France. When asked If she would 
leave off wearing man's clothes, she said she 
would not, as It was the will of Heaven for 
her to wear them. 

The fourth day of the trial was the 27th 
of February. Fifty-three judges were present. 
The usual attempt to make Joan take the oath 
was made to the prisoner by Cauchon, and she 
was again cross-examined by Beaupere. Again 
questioned as to her voices, she said that with- 
out their permission she could not say what 
they said to her relating to the King. 

Asked if the voices came to her direct from 
God, or through some Intermediary channel, she 
answered, 'The voices are those of Saint Cathe- 
rine and Saint Margaret; they wear beautiful 


crowns — of this I may speak, for they allow 
me to do so.' If, she added, her words were 
doubted, they might send to Poitiers, where she 
had already been questioned on the same sub- 

'How do you distinguish one from the 
other?' aslced Beaupere. 

' By the manner in which they salute me,' 
Joan answered. 

' How long have they been in communica- 
tion with you ? ' 

' I have been under their protection seven 
years,' was the answer. 

Joan had referred to the succour which she 
had received from Saint Michel. On being 
asked which of these saints was the first to 
appear to her, she said it was the last named. 
She had seen him, she said, as clearly as she 
saw Beaupere, and that he was not by himself, 
but in a company of angels. When he left her 
she felt miserable, and longed to have been 
taken with the flight of angels. 

When Beaupere asked her if it was her own 
idea to come into France, Joan replied in the 
affirmative, and also that she would sooner have 
been torn to pieces by horses than have come 
without the will of God. 

'Does He,' asked the priest, 'tell you not 
to wear the man's dress ? and had not Bau- 
dricourt,' he added, 'wished she should dress as 
a man ? ' 

She said it was not by man's but by God's 
orders that she wore the dress of a man. 


The questions again turned upon the vision 
and the voice. 

Had an angel appeared above the head of 
the King at Chinon ? 

She answered that when she entered the 
King's presence, three hundred soldiers stood 
in the hall, and fifty torches burnt in the great 
hall of the castle, and that without counting 
the spiritual light within. 

She was then asked respecting her exami- 
nation before the clergy at Poitiers. 

'They believed,' Joan answered, 'that there 
was nothing in me against matters of religion.' 

Then Beaupere asked the prisoner if she 
had visited Sainte Catherine de Fierbois. 

'Yes,' she answered; 'I heard mass there 
twice in one day, on my way to Chinon.' 

' How did you communicate your message 
to the King ? ' 

' I sent a letter asking him if I might be 
allowed to see him. That I had come one 
hundred and fifty miles to bring him assistance, 
and that I had much to do for him. I think,' 
she added, ' that I also said I should know 
him amongst all those who might be present.' 

' Did you then wear a sword ? ' asked 

' I had one that I had taken at Vaucouleurs.' 

' Had you not another one as well .'' ' 

' Yes ; I had sent to the church of Fierbois, 
either from Troyes or Chinon, for a sword 
from the back of the altar of Sainte Catherine. 
It was found, much rusted.' 


' How did you know there was a sword 
there ? ' 

' Through my voices. I asked in a letter 
that the sword should be given me, and the 
clergy sent me it. It lay underground — I am 
not certain whether at the front or at the back 
of the altar. It was cleaned by the people 
belonging to the church. They had a scabbard 
made for me ; also one was made at Tours — 
one of velvet, the other of black cloth. I 
had also a third one for the Fierbois sword 
made of very strong leather.' 

' Were you wearing that sword, ' asked 
Beaupere, ' when you were captured ? ' 

' No, I had not one then ; I used to wear 
it constantly up to the time that I left Saint 
Denis, after the assault on Paris.' 

' What benediction did you bestow on that 
sword ? ' 

' None,' said Joan ; and she added, on being 
questioned as to her feeling about the Sword, 
that she had a particular liking for it, from its 
having been found in the Church of Sainte 
Catherine, her favourite saint. 

Then Beaupere inquired whether Joan was 
not in the habit of placing this sword on the 
altar, in order to bring it good luck. 

Joan answered in the negative. 

'But then,' the priest asked, 'had she not 
prayed that it might bring her good fortune ? ' 

'It is enough to know,' answered Joan, 
' that I wished my armour might bring me 
good fortune.' 


' What had become of the Fierbois sword ? ' 
asked the priest. 

' I offered up at Saint Denis,' answered 
Joan, ' a sword and some armour, but not the 
Fierbois sword.' 

' Had you it when at Lagny ? ' asked 

' Yes,' answered the prisoner. 

But between the time passed at Lagny and 
Compiegne she wore another sword, taken from 
a Burgundian soldier, which she said was a good 
weapon, able to deal shrewd blows. But she 
would not satisfy Beaupere's curiosity as to what 
had become of the sword of Fierbois : ' That,' 
she said, 'has nothing to do with the trial.' 

Beaupere next inquired as to what had 
become of Joan of Arc's goods. 

She said her brother had her horses and 
her goods ; she said she believed the latter 
amounted to some twelve thousand dais. 

'Had you not,' asked the priest, 'when 
you went to Orleans, a banner or pennon ? Of 
what colour was that ? ' 

' My banner had a field all covered with 
flsurs-de-lis. In it was represented the world, 
with angels on either side. It was white, made 
of white cloth, of a kind called coucassin. On 
it was written Jesu Maria. It was bordered 
with silk.' 

' Which were you fondest of.'* ' asked Beau- 
pere, — ' your banner or your sword ? ' 

'I loved my banner,' was the answer, 'forty 
times as much as I did my sword.' 


' Who painted your banner ? ' 

This Joan would not say. 

' Who bore your flag ? ' asked the priest. 

Joan of Arc said she carried it herself when 
charging the enemy, 'in order,' she added, 'to 
avoid killing any one. I never killed any one,' 
she said. 

' How many soldiers did the King give 
you, ' asked the priest, ' when he gave you a 
command ? ' 

' Between ten and twelve thousand men,' 
answered Joan. 

Then Beaupere questioned her regarding 
the relief of Orleans, and he was told by 
the Maid that she first went to the redoubt 
of Saint Loup by the bridge. 

' Did you expect,' was the next question, 
' that you would be able to raise the siege ? ' 

'Yes,' she was certain, Joan answered, from 
a revelation which she had received, and of 
which she had told the King before making 
the expedition. 

'At the time of the assault,' asked Beau- 
pere, ' did you not tell your soldiers that you 
alone would receive all the arrows, bolts, and 
stones discharged by the cannon and culverins .■* ' 

'No,' she answered, 'there were over a 
hundred wounded ; but,' she added, ' I said to 
my people, " Be assured that you will raise the 

' Were you wounded ? ' asked the priest. 

'I was wounded,' Joan answered, 'at the 
assault of the fortress on the bridge. I was 


struck and wounded by an arrow or a dart ; but 
-I received much comfort from Saint Catherine, 
and I recovered in less than fifteen days. I 
recovered, and in spite of the wound I did 
not give up riding or working.' 

' Did you know beforehand that you would 
be wounded ? ' asked Beaupere. 

'Yes,' was the answer; 'and I had told my 
King I should be wounded. My saints had told 
me of it' 

'In what manner were you wounded.''' he 

' I was,' she answered, ' the first to raise 
a ladder against the fortress at the bridge. 
While raising the ladder I was struck by the 

'Why,' now asked the priest, 'did you not 
come to terms with the English captains at 
Jargeau ? ' 

'The knights about me,' she answered, 'told 
the English that they could not have a truce 
of fifteen days, which they wanted ; but that 
they and their horses must leave the place at 

' And what did you say ? ' 

' I told them that if they left the place 
with their side arms {petites cottes) their lives 
would be spared. If not, that Jargeau would 
be stormed.' 

' Had you then consulted your voices to 
know whether you should accord them that 
delay or not ? ' 

Joan did not remember. 



Here closed the fourth day's trial. 

The fifth day of the trial took place on the 
I St of March. Fifty- eight judges were present. 

The opening proceedings were the same as 
on the former occasions, and Joan of Arc 
again professed her willingness to answer all 
questions put to her regarding her deeds as 
readily as if she were in the presence of the 
Pope of Rome himself; but, as formerly, she 
gave no promise of revealing what her voices 
had told her. 

Beaupere caught immediately at the oppor- 
tunity of her having spoken of the Pope to 
lay a pitfall in her path : Which Pope did she 
believe the authentic one — he at Avignon or the 
one in Rome ? 

' Are there two ? ' she asked. This was an 
awkward question to those bishops and doctors 
of the faith who had for so long a time en- 
couraged the schism in the Church. 

Beaupere evaded the question, and asked 
her if it were true that she had received a 
letter from the Count of Armagnac asking her 
which of the two Popes he was bound to obey. 

A copy of this letter was produced, as well as 
the one sent by Joan of Arc in reply. 

When she sent her answer, the Maid said, 
she was about to mount her horse, and had 
told him she would be able better to answer 
his question when at rest in Paris or elsewhere. 
The copy of her letter which was now read, 
Joan said, did not quite agree with that she 
had sent to Armagnac. 


'She had not,' Joan added, 'said in her 
letter that what she knew was by the inspira- 
tion of Heaven.' 

Again pressed as to which of the two Popes 
she believed the true one, she said that the one 
then in Rome was to her that one. 

Questioned regarding her letter to the Eng- 
lish before Orleans, she acknowledged the ac- 
curateness of the copy produced, with the 
exception of a slight mistake. She retracted 
nothing regarding this letter, and declared that 
the English would, ere seven years were passed 
from that time, give a more striking proof of 
their loss of power in France than that which 
they had shown before Orleans. This predic- 
tion was literally carried out when, in 1436, 
Paris opened its gates to Charles VII., the loss 
of the capital being shortly after followed by 
the loss of all the other English conquests, 
with the exception of the town of Calais — the 
gains of a century of war being snatched from 
them in a score of years. 

'They will meet,' said Joan of Arc, 'with 
greater reverses than have yet befallen them.' 

When she was asked what made her speak 
thus, she answered that these things had been 
revealed to her. The examination again turned 
upon her voices and apparitions. 

' Do they always appear to you in the same 
dress.'* Always in the same form, and richly 
crowned ? ' 

Similar foolish questions were then put to 
her. Had the saints long hair.? She did not 

1 80 JOAN OF ARC. 

know. And what language did they converse 
in with her? 

'Their language,' she replied, 'is good and 

' What sort of voices were theirs ? ' 

'They speak to me in soft and beautiful 
French voices,' she said. 

' Does not Saint Margaret speak in English? ' 

'How should she,' was the answer, 'when 
she is not on the side of the English?' 

' Do they wear ear-rings ? ' 

This Joan could not say ; but the idiotic 
question reminded the prisoner that Cauchon 
had taken a ring from her. She had worn two 
— one had been taken by the Burgundians when 
she was captured, the other by the Bishop. The 
former had been given her by her parents, the 
latter by one of her brothers. This ring she 
asked Cauchon to give the Church. 

'Had she not,' she was asked, 'made use of 
these rings to heal the sick ? ' 

She had never done so. 

It is very easy throughout all these question- 
ings to see how eager Cauchon and the other 
judges were to find some acknowledgment from 
the lips of Joan of Arc, upon which they could 
found a charge of heresy against her. Her 
visions were distorted by them into a proof 
of infernal agency ; even the harmless super- 
stitions of her village home did not escape 
being turned into idolatrous and infernal matters 
of belief. 

Had not her saints, questioned the Bishop, 


appeared to her beneath the haunted oak of 
Domremy ? — and what had they promised her 
besides the re-establishment of Charles upon 
the throne ? 

'They promised,' she answered, 'to take me 
with them to Paradise, which I had prayed them 
to do.' 

' Nothing more ? ' queried Cauchon. 

' If they made me another promise,' Joan 
replied, ' I am not at liberty to say what that 
promise is till three months are past.' 

' Did they say that you would be free in 
three months' time ? ' 

That question remained unanswered, but be- 
fore those three months had passed, the heroine 
had been delivered by death from all earthly 

She was again minutely questioned regard- 
ing the superstitions of her country. Was there 
not growing there a certain fabulous plant, 
called Mandragora ? Joan of Arc knew no- 
thing regarding such a plant — had never seen it, 
and did not know the use of it. Again the 
apparitions were brought forward. 

' What was Saint Michel like ? Was he 
clothed ? ' 

' Do you think,' was the answer to this 
question, which could only have occurred to a 
foul-minded priest, ' do you think that God 
cannot clothe him ? ' 

Other absurd questions followed — as to his 
hair; long or short? Had he a pair of scales 
with him? As before, Joan of Arc answered 

1 82 JOAN OF ARC. 

these futile, and sometimes indecent, questions 
with her wonderful patience. At one moment 
she could not help exclaiming how supremely- 
happy the sight of her saints made her ; it 
seemed as if a sudden vision of her beloved 
saints had been vouchsafed her in the midst 
of that crowd of persecuting priests. 

She was again told to tell what the sign 
or secret was which she had revealed to , the 
King on first seeing him at Chinon ; but about 
this she was firm as adamant, and refused to 
give any information. To reveal that sign or 
secret would, she felt, be not only a breach of 
confidence and disloyalty between her and her 
King, but a crime to divulge a sacred secret, 
which Charles kept sealed in his breast, and 
which she was determined to utter to no one, 
and least of all to his enemies. 

' I have already said,' she told her judges, 
' that you will have nothing from me about 
that. Go and ask the King ! ' 

Then followed questions as to the fashion 
of the crown that the King had worn at 
Rheims : which brought the fifth day of the 
trial' to a close. 

The sixth and last day's public examina- 
tion took place on the 3rd of March, forty-two 
judges present. The long series of questions 
were nearly all relating to the appearance of 
the saints. Both questions and answers were 
nearly the same as on the previous occasions, 
and little more information was got from the 


After these, the subject of her dress — what 
she then wore, and what she had worn — was 
entered upon. 

'When you came to the King,' she was 
asked, 'did he not inquire if your change in 
dress was owing to a revelation or not ? ' 

'I have already answered,' said Joan, 'that 
I do not remember if he asked me. This 
evidence was made known when I was at 

'And the doctors who examined you,' asked 
Beaupere, 'at Poitiers, did they not want to 
know regarding your being dressed in man's 
clothes ? ' 

' I don't remember,' she answered ; ' but 
they asked me when I had first begun to 
wear man's dress, and I told them that it was 
when I was at Vaucouleurs.' 

She was then asked whether the Queen 
had not asked her to leave off wearing male 
clothes. She answered that that had nothing 
to do with the trial. 

' But,' next inquired Beaupere, 'when you 
were at the castle of Beaurevoir, did not the 
ladies there ask you to do so ? ' 

'Yes,' was the answer, 'and they offered 
to give me a woman's dress. But the time 
had not yet come.' She would, she added, 
have yielded sooner to the wishes of those 
ladies than to those of any other, the Queen 

:1 .:.The subject of the flags and banners used by 
her during her campaigns was now entered on. 


Had her standards not been" copied by the 
men-at-arms ? 

'They did so at their pleasures,' she an- 

'Of what material was the banner made? 
If the poles were broken, were they renewed?' 

'They were,' she answered, 'when broken.' 

'Did you not,' asked Beaupere, 'say that 
the flags made like your banners were of 
good augury ? ' 

'What I said,' answered Joan, 'to my 
soldiers was, that they should attack the enemy 
with boldness.' 

' Did you not sprinkle holy water on the 
banners ? ' 

To this question Joan refused to answer. 

Next she was questioned about a certain 
Friar Richard, the preaching friar who had 
seen her at Troyes. She answered that he 
came to her making the sign of the Cross, 
and that she told him to come up to her with- 
out fear. 

She was asked if it was true that she had 
pictures painted of herself in the likeness of a 

'When at Arras,' she answered, 'she had 
seen a portrait of herself, in which she was 
represented kneeling before the King and pre- 
senting him with a letter.' 

' But was there not a picture of you,' asked 
Beaupere, ' in your host's house at Orleans ? ' 

Joan of Arc knew nothing regarding such 
a picture. 


' Did you not know,' was the next ques- 
tion put, 'that your partisans had prayers and 
masses said in your honour ? ' 

'If they did so,' she answered, 'it was not 
by my wish ; but if they prayed for me,' she 
added, 'there was no harm in so doing.' 

She was then asked what her opinion was 
regarding the people who kissed her hands and 
her feet, and even her clothes. She answered 
that, inasmuch as she could, she prevented them 
doing so ; but she acknowledged that the poor 
people flocked eagerly around her, and that she 
gave them all the assistance in her power. 

She was next asked if she had not stood 
sponsor to some children baptized at Rheims. 

'Not at Rheims,' she said; but she had for 
one child at Troyes. She had also stood sponsor 
for two children at Saint Denis, and she had 
gladly had the boy christened by the name of 
Charles in honour of the King, and the girl 
Joan, as it pleased their mothers. 

' Did the women not touch your rings and 
charms 1 ' 

'Many,' she answered, 'were wont to touch 
both my hands and my rings ; but I know not 
with what intention.' 

' Did she not receive the sacrament and con- 
fess herself as she passed through the country?' 

' Often,' she answered. 

'And did you,' asked the priest, 'receive 
the sacrament in your male attire ? ' 

'Yes,' she said; 'but not, if I recollect right, 
when wearing my armour.' 

1 86 JOAN OF ARC. 

This confession of having received the 
Eucharist in her male dress was made one 
of the accusations of sacrilege by Joan of Arc's 

She was next questioned about a horse she 
had bought from the Bishop of Senlis, and 
ridden in battle. 

The next point related to the supposed 
miraculous resurrection — a very temporary one 
however — of an infant three days old at Lagny. 
When Joan was in that place, this child ap- 
peared to have died, and was put before the 
image of the Virgin, in front of which some 
young women were kneeling. Joan of Arc 
joined them in their prayers, upon which it 
was noticed that the supposed dead infant gave 
some signs of life ; he or she was baptized, 
and soon after expired. Joan of Arc had 
never for a moment supposed that it was 
owing to her presence and her prayers that 
this miracle had occurred. 

'But,' asked Beaupere, 'was it not the 
common talk of the town of Lagny that you 
had performed this miracle, and had been the 
means of restoring the infant to life ? ' 

' I did not inquire,' she said. 

She was then asked about the woman, 
Catherine de la Rochelle, whom, it may be re- 
membered, Joan had discovered to be a vulgar 
impostor, and whom she had tried to dissuade 
from making people believe that she could dis- 
cover hidden treasures, advising her to return 
to her husband and her children. 


Next she was asked why she had tried to 
escape from her prison tower at Beaurevoir. 
She said that she had made the attempt, 
although against the warning of her voices, 
which had counselled her to have patience — 
but that Saint Catherine had comforted her 
after her fall from the tower, telling her that 
she would recover, and also that Compiegne 
would not be taken. 

It was tried to prove that in order not to 
fall into the hands of the enemy she intended 
committing suicide. To this accusation she 
answered : — 

' I have already said that I would sooner 
give up my soul into God's keeping, than fall 
into the hands of the English.' 

And with this ended the sixth and last 
public day of the heroine's trial. 

Joan of Arc's judges had found nothing to 
attach guilt to her in any of her replies ; but 
as she had been condemned before the farce 
was enacted of trying her, her innocence could 
not save her life. As Michelet observes, Joan 
of Arc's answers may have had some effect 
in touching the hearts of even such men as 
were her judges ; and it was perhaps on this 
account that Cauchon thought it more prudent 
to continue holding the trial with only a few, 
and those few picked men, of whose sympathies, 
characters, and feelings he was sure. The 
Bishop's ostensible reason in having the trial 
henceforth carried on in private was in order 
' not to tire the others.' A most thoughtful 

1 88 JOAN OF ARC. 

and tender-hearted Bishop ! The details of the 
trial were now placed in the hands of two 
judges and two witnesses. Cauchon now felt 
he had a free hand. On the 12th of March 
he had obtained the permission of the Grand 
Inquisitor of the Holy Office in France to 
make use of the services of his Vicar-General 
— his name, as has already been said, was John 

The first of the long series of secret inter- 
rogations was held in Joan of Arc's prison — 
probably in the principal tower — on the loth 
of March. 

John de la Fontaine questioned the prisoner 
as follows : — 

' When you went to Compiegne from which 
place did you start ? ' 

' From Crespy-en-Valois.' 

' When you arrived at Compiegne did many 
days elapse before you made the sortie ? ' 

' I arrived secretly at an early hour of the 
morning, and entered the town so that the 
enemy could not be aware of my arrival, and 
the same day, in the evening, I made the sortie 
in which I was captured.' 

' Were the bells of the church rung on the 
occasion of your arrival ? ' 

' If they were, it was not by my command. 
I had not given it a thought.' 

' Did you not order them to be rung ? ' 

' I have no recollection of having done so.' 

' Did you make the sortie by the command 
of your voices ? ' 


' Last Easter, when in the trenches of 
Melun, the voices of Saint Catherine and Saint 
Margaret told me I should be taken prisoner 
before St. John's Day ; but that I was to keep 
a brave heart, and take all that befell me with 
patience, and that in the end God would come 
to my aid.' 

' Since then, did your voices tell you that 
you would be taken ? ' 

' Yes, often ; nearly every day ; and I im- 
plored my voices that when I was taken I 
might then die, and not suffer a long imprison- 
ment : and the voices said, "Be without fear, 
for these things must happen." But they did 
not tell me the time when I should be taken, 
for had I known that I should not have made 
that sortie.' 

' Did you not question them about the time 
in which you would be taken ? ' 

' I often inquired ; but they never told me. 

' Did your voices cause you to make that 
sortie, and not tell you the manner by which 
you would be captured ? ' 

' Had I known the hour of my capture I 
should not have gone out voluntarily ; but had 
my voices ordered me to go and I had known, 
then would I have gone all the same, whatever 
might have happened.' 

' When you made the sally did you pass 
over the bridge at Compiegne ? ' 

' I passed over the bridge and along the 
redoubt ; and I charged with my soldiers against 
John de Luxembourg's men. Twice were they 


driven back as far as the quarters of the 
Burgundlans ; the third time half as far. While 
so engaged the English arrived, and cut off 
our communications. While returning towards 
the bridge, I was taken in the meadows on 
the side nearest to Picardy.' 

' Upon your banner, the one you carried, 
was not a picture painted representing the world 
and two angels .'' What was the significance of 

' My saints told me to carry that banner 

' Did you not also bear arms and a shield ? ' 

' Not I ; but the King gave my brothers a 
coat-of-arms ; a shield with a blue ground, on 
which were two fleurs-de-lis of gold, and a 
sword between.' 

' Did you make a present to your brothers of 
those arms ? ' 

' They were given my brothers by the King, 
without any request made by me.' 

' What kind of horse were you riding when 
you were captured ? ' 

' I was mounted on a demi-coursier.' 

' Who had given you that horse 1 ' 

'My King,' answered Joan of Arc; and she 
went on to tell them how she had had fine 
horses purchased by the King for her use ; she 
also gave them an account of her few pos- 

There is, indeed, so much repetition in the 
questions and answers during these long ex- 
aminations, that it would be a weariness to the 


reader did one minutely re-write them as they 
appear in the chronicle. We shall therefore 
confine ourselves to the principal and most im- 
portant facts and statements which bear most 
prominently on our heroine's career, and on 
the answers most characteristic made by her. 

The remainder of that first day's trial in the 
prison consisted nearly entirely of trying to 
elicit from Joan of Arc what was the special 
sign or secret that she had revealed to the 
King at Chinon. She, however, gave them no 
further information than in saying that the sign 
was a beautiful and honoured mark of Divine 
favour. For hours she was urged to tell of what 
this special sign or token consisted — whether of 
precious stones, gold, or silver. Joan, who ap- 
parently was wearied out by the pertinacity of 
her inquisitors, seems to have allowed herself 
to mix with the reality the fabulous, and de- 
scribed that an angel had appeared to Charles 
bringing him a crown of matchless beauty. She 
seems, poor creature, half dazed and bewildered 
by her sufferings and her tormentors, to have 
mixed up in her mind and in her replies the 
actual event of the King's coronation at Rheims 
with her angelic visions and voices ; for to her 
one must have appeared as real and actual as 
the other. 

Nine examinations in the prison tower of 
Rouen were undergone by Joan of Arc : — Once 
on the loth of March; twice on the 12th, and 
again on the 13th; twice on the 14th; again 
on the 15th; and twice more on the 17th. In 


all these successive trials, nothing of importance 
was obtained by the judges from the prisoner. 
Both answers and questions were similar to 
those which have already been recorded during 
the days of her examinations in public. Through- 
out all this trying process of a week's long and 
minute cross-questioning, the heroine maintained 
the same firmness, and answered with the same 
simple dignity as on the former occasions. Two 
of her answers may be justly called sublime. 
When during the course of the seventh day's 
trial, she was asked what doctrine Saint Michel 
had inspired her with, she answered : — 

' The pity that I have for the Kingdom of 
France ! ' 

And again, when at the close of the last 
day's examination she was asked why she had 
taken such special care that her banner should 
be carried and held near the King during the 
ceremony of the coronation, she answered : — 

'If it had been in the travail it was right 
that it should be in the place of greatest honour.' 
('// avait dt4 a la peine ; c^tait bien raison qtiil 
fut a r/ionneur /') 

Glorious words, worthy of her who spoke 
them ! They bear with them an heroic ring, 
and reveal by one sublime expression the very 
soul and spirit of Joan of Arc! 

Little as the secret interrogations had re- 
vealed to Joan of Arc's examiners regarding the 
mysterious sign they were so eager to wrest 
from her, Cauchon had succeeded in inveigling 
his victim into making statements he considered 


could be used in a charge of heresy against 

When bidden to say if she would be ready 
to submit herself regarding all her actions to 
the determination of the Church, she answered 
that she loved the Church, and was ready to 
obey its doctrines as far as lay in her power ; 
and on being asked to which Church she al- 
luded, whether to the Church Militant or to 
the Church Triumphant, she replied, ' I have 
been sent to France by God and the Virgin 
Mary, and by the saints of the Church Victorious 
from above, and to that Church I submit myself, 
and all that I have done or may have to do ! ' 

This answer did not satisfy Cauchon, and 
he again inquired to which Church she sub- 
mitted ; but Joan had already answered, and 
would say no more — and on this Cauchon fixed 
his accusation of heresy against the heroine. 
Having failed throughout the trial to get Joan 
to say anything incriminating regarding Charles 
VII. or anything which might tend to injure him 
in the minds of his subjects, Cauchon had Joan 
questioned as to what she thought respecting 
the murder of the Duke of Orleans by Charles. 

' It was a great misfortune for the kingdom 
of France,' was her answer. 

Could the wariest statesman have better 
parried that question 1 Not on one single 
occasion during the long series of questions 
that Joan of Arc was made to undergo, without 
any counsel or help, and with some of the 
subtlest brains in the country eager to involve 



her in damaging statements and to entangle 
her in saying something which might be taken 
up as injurious to Charles — that mean prince, 
who made so much by her devotion to him 
and his cause, and in return for that devotion 
had not taken a step towards attempting her 
deliverance — not at any time did she drop one 
word or let an expression escape her which 
could cause any uneasiness to the King, who 
had proved himself so utterly unworthy of such 
a subject, or to the men about the King's 
person, some of whom, if not actually guilty 
of having given her over to her enemies, at 
any rate had allowed her to be kept during 
all those long months a close prisoner, without 
protest or any sign of sympathy. 

When the judges asked Joan if she were 
as willing to answer the questions put to her, 
standing in the presence of the Pope, as she 
had done in the presence of the Bishop of 
Beauvais, she replied that she would willingly 
do so. The idea of referring her case to the 
Pope was not at all what Cauchon wished to 
enter her mind ; and when he found that John 
de la Fontaine and two monks had visited the 
prisoner and advised her to submit herself to 
Rome, he was furious, and threatened them with 
condign punishment. They only escaped the 
Bishop's anger by taking flight from Rouen. 
It was not too soon for Cauchon's object that 
the trial was now conducted with closed doors. 
Joan of Arc's courage, firmness, and simplicity, 
accompanied by her transparent truth and pure 


fervent belief in her mission, impressed even 
her judges — and much more so those who had 
attended the pubHc days of her trial as specta- 
tors. Now and again, after one of her straight- 
forward and brave answers, which would expose 
and lay bare the malicious intention of the 
question, voices were heard to say in the 
great hall, ' Well spoken, Joan ! ' and an Eng- 
lish knight was overheard to declare that, for 
his part, he regretted that such a courageous 
maid had not been born an Englishwoman. A 
reaction in favour of the heroine might have 
set in, and, as we have already said, it was for 
fear of this that Cauchon caused the trial in 
future to be held in private. It is clear from 
the previous narrative that the prisoner had no 
one to advise her, no one to support her. At 
the commencement of the trial she asked to be 
allowed counsel, but Cauchon refused this most 
just demand. Among the crowd of doctors and 
clergy it was impossible but that, now and 
again, some feeling of interest, even of sym- 
pathy, should gain a few of these men, who, in 
spite of their education and surroundings, were 
human beings after all. But whenever such 
feeling was shown, Cauchon, ever on the watch, 
sternly repressed its manifestation. The name 
of Isambard de la Pierre should be remembered 
for good ; for he, although one of the creatures of 
the detestable Inquisition, showed humanity to 
Cauchon's victim. During the examinations it 
was the wont of Isambard to place himself as 
near as possible to Joan of Arc, and by nudging 


her, or by some sign, he attempted to help 
her and advise her in her answers to the 
questions of the judges. Cauchon's evil eye, 
however, at length detected Isambard's conduct, 
and he informed Warwick of it. Soon after, 
Isambard was confronted by Warwick, and the 
latter, with many abusive words, threatened to 
have him drowned in the Seine if he dared 
assist Joan of Arc. 

Though the Maid's treatment in the dun- 
geon of the castle was not, after the beginning 
of the trial, so barbarous as in the first days 
after her arrival at Rouen, when she was 
treated like a caged wild animal, the poor pri- 
soner was watched day and night by three 
soldiers, who, one must fear, outraged every 
sense of humanity in their treatment of Joan. 
The very term houspiller proves that they were 
set apart to embitter the prisoner's already too 
cruel state. Although Joan of Arc never her- 
self disclosed the abominable fact, the reason 
for retaining and continuing to wear her male 
dress was that it served her as a protection 
from these ruffians. Chained to a heavy wooden 
beam, her sufferings must have been at times 
almost beyond endurance ; but In this long 
torture, which was only to terminate in the 
flaming death, her wonderful constancy and 
heaven-inspired spirit never failed. Had she 
given way to a kind of despair, as happened 
shortly before her final release — for only a few 
moments indeed — her jailers would not have 
neglected to record such weakness as a sign 


that her heavenly agencies had failed, if not for- 
saken her utterly. What appears to have con- 
stituted the greatest privation to Joan of Arc 
during her imprisonment was not being allowed 
the consolation of receiving the rites of the re- 
ligion she so fervently believed. During the 
days on which the public examinations were 
held in the hall of the castle, she was wont to 
be led from her dungeon by a passage lead- 
ing to the place of judgment : the castle chapel 
was passed in traversing this passage. One day 
while going by the chapel door she asked one 
of the sheriffs, Massieu, whether the Eucharist 
was then exposed within the chapel, and, if so, 
whether she might be permitted to kneel before 
the entrance. The man was humane enough 
to allow her to do so, but this coming to the 
knowledge of one of Cauchon's familiars, the 
sheriff was told if he allowed the prisoner 
again to kneel before the chapel door that he 
would be thrown into prison — 'and,' added 
Cauchon, ' in a prison where no light of sun 
or moon should appear ! ' 

But perhaps among so many instances of 
cruelty and bigotry, the most infamous act of 
all the many in this tragedy was that performed 
by the Canon Nicolas Loiseleur, a creature of 
Cauchon, as false, as cruel, and as unscrupu- 
lous as his master and patron. This reverend 
scoundrel had, at the beginning of the trial, by 
his feigned sympathy for the prisoner, wormed 
himself into Joan of Arc's confidence. He 
told her that he, too, came from near her 


home, that he in his heart of hearts belonged 
to the French side, that he was a prisoner on 
account of his known devotion to Charles and 
to France, and many other such lies. This 
Judas — half in the character of a layman, half in 
that of a confessor, and wholly as a sympathetic 
friend and a fellow -sufferer — paid the prisoner 
long visits, disguised both as priest and lay- 
man, as the part suited the day's action best. 
Loiseleur actually used the means of extracting 
information from Joan of Arc under the seal of 
confession, to be afterwards employed against 
her by Cauchon. While these conversations and 
confessions took place, Warwick and Cauchon 
would be concealed in a part of the dungeon 
from which they could overhear what passed 
between the two — one of whom worthily might 
be called an angel, the other truthfully a devil. 
With the Bishop and knight — whose conduct as 
regards Joan of Arc deeply tarnished an other- 
wise high character — were seated clerks, who 
wrote down what passed in these meetings. 
The clerks, to their credit, are said to have at 
first refused to comply with doing such dirty 

Cauchon gained but little by this infamy. 
Nothing of any importance could be constructed 
out of the prisoner's confidence and confessions ; 
but Cauchon was, through Loiseleur, enabled to 
tender such advice to Joan as made her answers 
coincide more closely with his wishes than they 
otherwise could have done ; especially those re- 
lating to the Church Triumphant and Militant. 


When his crime had borne fruit, Loiseleur, 
like another Judas, was overwhelmed with an 
intolerable remorse ; and, although he obtained 
his victim's pardon, his end appears to have 
been as sudden as that of Judas, if not also 
self-inflicted. By a lawyer named John Lohier, 
whom he consulted during the course of the 
trial, Cauchon was not so well served as he 
had been by Loiseleur. This Lohier, who 
was a Norman and seems to have been a 
worthy man, had the courage to tell Cauchon 
that inasmuch as Joan of Arc was being tried 
in secret and without benefit of counsel, the pro- 
ceedings were null and worthless. Like all who 
showed any interest for the prisoner, Lohier 
was threatened by Cauchon with imprisonment, 
but he escaped and found refuge in Rome. 

On Passion Sunday, the i8th of March, 
Cauchon held a meeting of a dozen of the 
lawyers, including the Vice- Inquisitor, and asked 
them to give their opinion on some of the 
answers of Joan of Arc. He held a second 
and similar consistory on the 22nd of that 
month, at which it was decided to shape into 
the, form of a series of articles the chief heads 
of accusation. This, when made out, was to 
be submitted to the prisoner. On the 24th, 
the Bishop, accompanied by the Vice- Inquisitor 
and some others, proceeded to the dungeon in 
which Joan of Arc was kept. The day was 
Palm Sunday, and the great French historian 
Michelet has, with his accustomed skill and 
bright, vivid word-painting, in his short but 


incomparable Life of the heroine not only of 
France but of humanity, reminded his readers 
with what a longing Joan of Arc must, on that 
festival of joy and triumph, have yearned for 
the privilege 'to breathe once again the fresh 
air of heaven.' Daughter of the fields, born 
on the border of the woods, she who had 
always lived under the open sky had to pass 
Easter Day in a dark dungeon tower. To 
her the great succour which the Church in- 
vokes upon that day did not reach — her prison 
door did not fly open. 

It may be recalled that on Palm Sunday 
the morning prayer in the office of the Roman 
Church contains these words : ' Deus in ad- 
jutorium meuni intende! For her, however, 
no earthly gate was to be thrown open wide. 
The gate through which she was to pass from 
suffering and death into life eternal and peace 
everlasting — i^per angusta ad augusta) — was, how- 
ever, not far distant. But she had stillj to wait 
awhile amid the ever-darkening shadows. 

'If,' said Cauchon to Joan, 'you will cease 
to wear this man's dress, and dress as you 
would do were you back in your home, you 
shall be allowed to hear Mass.' 

But Joan could not be prevailed on to con- 
sent to abandon the costume, which, as we have 
said, proved her safeguard against the brutality 
of her jailers. 

By the 26th of March the articles were 
drawn up and ready, and were approved of in 
a meeting held by Cauchon in his own house. 


And on these articles, or rather heads of 
articles, the further trial of the prisoner was to 
be carried on. 

The examination took place on the days 
following in a chamber next to the great hall 
in the castle. Nine judges, besides Cauchon, 
attended. The Bishop ordered Joan to answer 
categorically all the accusations on which she 
was arraigned ; if she refused to do so, or re- 
mained silent beyond a given time, he threatened 
her with excommunication. He went on to 
declare that all her judges were men of high 
position, well versed in all matters appertaining 
to Church and State ; and he had the audacity 
to qualify them — and probably included himself 
among them — as being benins et pitoyables, 
having no wish to inflict corporal punishment 
upon Joan, but filled only with the pious desire 
of leading her into the way of truth and salva- 
tion. 'Seeing that,' he continued, 'she was not 
sufficiently versed in such weighty matters as 
those they had now to deal with, they in their 
pitifulness and benignity, would allow her to 
choose among the learned doctors present, one 
or more to aid her with counsel and advice.' 

The Bishop had probably guessed that by 
this time Joan of Arc would have ceased to 
care for the benefit of counsel, having had to do 
without it till now ; and his asking her whether 
she wished for it was merely made in order to 
appear as an act of judicial indulgence on his 
part — perhaps, also, what Lohier had urged 
regarding the illegality of trying his prisoner 


without giving her the help of counsel may 
have influenced him. 

In a few simple words Joan of Arc thanked 
the Bishop and the others for the offer, of 
which she, however, declined to avail herself. 
She added that she felt no need now of having 
any human counsel, for that she had that of 
her Lord to aid her. 

Thomas de Courcelles next proceeded to 
read the articles contained in the act of accusa- 
tion. These were so long that they occupied 
the remainder of that and the next day's sitting. 
This first series of articles — for there were forty 
more to follow — consisted of thirty heads, and 
forms one of the most glaring examples of what 
the human mind is capable of inventing when 
thoroughly steeped in bigotry, stupidity, and 
cruelty. The Bishop of Beauvais may have 
been congratulated on producing the most 
momentous mass of accusation, intended to 
destroy the life and reputation of a peerless 
and perfect woman and to blast the career of 
his native sovereign : it only redounded to the 
Bishop's everlasting shame and infamy. 

We will spare the reader a detailed sum- 
mary of these articles — articles which have the 
lie so palpably and strongly writ all over them, 
that we can but hesitate whether to be more 
surprised or disgusted that even such a man 
as Cauchon could dare to bring them into 

The preamble of the articles gave the gist 
of what was to follow, and showed up the true 


spirit of Joan's 'benign and merciful judges.' 
It consisted of one long string of abuse, in 
which the terms 'sorceress,' 'false prophet,' 'a 
practiser of magic,' and 'devilish arts,' were 
freely used. Joan of Arc was declared in this 
preamble to be 'abominable in the eyes of 
God and man ' ; a violator of all laws — divine, 
ecclesiastical and natural. To sum up all the 
epithets, she was termed ' heretical, or, at any 
rate, strongly suspected of being so.' This ac- 
cusation, the most awful that those cruel times 
held, must have sounded to all those men present 
as the heroine's knell of doom. 

Then followed the thirty articles of accusa- 
tion. Never, indeed, had a short but well filled 
career, bright with glorious deeds, undertaken 
for King and fatherland — never had such a life 
(for no life ever approached that of the Maid's) 
been so ludicrously, so violently and wilfully 
misrepresented. Her most innocent words and 
actions were turned into accusations of sorcery, 
witchcraft, vice, and every kind of wickedness. 
Her harmless and pure youth was made to 
appear a childhood of sorcery and idolatrous 
superstition ; she was accused in her earliest 
years of having trafficked with evil spirits : it 
was alleged that she had consorted with 
witches ; that she had frequented places where 
spirits and fairies best loved to congregate ; 
that she had taken part in sacrilegious dancing ; 
that she had suspended wreaths on the trees 
in honour of these rural spirits ; that she had 
carried hidden about her person a plant called 


Mandragora, hoping by it to obtain good luck ; 
that she had left her parents against their 
will to go to Neufchateau, and lived in that 
place among a debauched set of people : that 
in consequence of all these wicked acts, a 
youth who intended marrying her had not 
done so. Then, having left not a stage or an 
act of her innocent girlhood unblasted, and 
covered with the slime of the Bishop's reptile- 
like imagination, her acts when with the King 
were reviewed. She had promised Charles to 
slay all the English in France ; her cruelty 
and love of bloodshed were insatiable ; she had 
influenced Charles by acts of magic ; her 
banners and her rings were bewitched ; she 
was schismatic, and doubted as to which was 
the right Pope ; and, in spite of this, she 
had the wickedness to inform the Earl of 
Armagnac which of the two Popes he was to 
believe the genuine. Of all this long tissue of 
crimes laid to her charge, that of wearing a 
man's dress was made the most heinous ; for 
the Almighty had made it a crime abomin- 
able to Himself, that woman should wear man's 
dress. Now, not only had the prisoner com- 
mitted this sin, but she had added to it by 
affirming that she did so by the wish of God 
— she had done even worse ; for did she not 
refuse when at the castle of Beaurevoir to wear 
woman's dress, also when at Arras, and even 
now in Rouen 1 So obstinate was she in her 
wickedness that she had refused to comply with 
the Bishop's wish that she should leave off 


these clothes, although he had told her she 
would be allowed to assist at the offices of the 
Church If she would consent to do so. 

To all these accusations, at the end of 
each paragraph, Cauchon bade Courcelles, who 
read the accusations, to pause, and would then 
ask the prisoner what answer she had to make 
to that accusation. Joan of Arc contented her- 
self by simply denying the alleged crime, or 
else she referred to the answers she had made 
to the same, or similar questions, during the 
former days when under examination. Some 
of her replies were, as they often had been 
during those trials, grand in their simplicity. 
For instance, when asked a difficult and even 
perplexing question relating to her belief in the 
Church Militant, she said : — ' I believe that the 
Holy Father, the Bishops, and other clergy, are 
here for the protection of the Christian faith, 
and to punish those who deserve it. As to 
my acts,' she continued, ' I submit them to the 
Church in Heaven, to God, to the Holy Virgin, 
and the Saints in Paradise. I have not failed,' 
she proudly added, ' in the Christian religion ; 
nor will I ever do so.' 

When repeatedly questioned about the change 
of costume, and of its importance regarding her 
being allowed to attend Mass or not, she said : 
' In the eyes of the Saviour the dress of those 
who receive the Sacrament can have no im- 

On the day after, the 28th of March, the same 
chamber was used for the trial, and the same 


indictments were entered on. That almost in- 
terminable series of accusations numbered some 
seventy charges. On that day, Joan of Arc 
appears to have ceased to deny at any length 
the string of false evidence brought against her ; 
she generally replied that she had already an- 
swered as to the crimes laid to her charge, or 
simply said, ' I refer myself to my Saviour.' 
Two of her answers are worth recording : the 
first, when accused of having been guilty not 
only of discarding the proper dress of her sex, 
but also of having acted the part of a man, 
she said : ' As to women's occupation there are 
plenty of them to occupy themselves with such 
things ' ; and to the second question, when 
taunted with having carried out her mission with 
violence and slaughter, she answered : ' I im- 
plored at the commencement of my mission that 
peace might be made, while, at the same time, 
I declared that if that was not agreed to, I 
was willing to fight.' When she was accused of 
having made war on the Burgundians and the 
English alike, she made the distinguishing dif- 
ference between them by saying : — ' As to the 
Duke of Burgundy, I wrote to him, and asked 
him through his envoys that peace should be 
made between him and my King. As regards 
the English, the only peace that could be made 
with them is when they have returned to Eng- 
land.' The Maid's natural modesty and sim- 
plicity are apparent in a circumstance which 
occurred in one of those long days of searching 
examination and cross-questioning. When the 


sentence she had used, and which had been 
noted down in the minutes of an early day of 
the trial, was read as follows : ' All that I 
have done has been done by the advice of my 
Saviour,' she stopped the clerk, and said that 
it should stand thus : ' All that I have done 
well has been done by the advice of my Saviour.' 
When she was asked by what form of words 
she prayed to her Saints to come to her assist- 
ance, she repeated the following prayer : — ' Very 
blessed God, in. honour of your holy Passion, I 
beseech you, if you love me, that you will re- 
veal to me what I am to answer these Church- 
men. I know concerning the dress the reason 
for which I have adopted it, but I know not in 
what manner I am to discard it. For this thing 
I beseech you to tell me what to do.' And 
she added that after this prayer her voices were 
soon heard. 

On the 31st of March, Cauchon, accom- 
panied by the Vice-Inquisitor and some other 
of the judges, had an interview with the pri- 
soner. They again inquired of Joan of Arc 
whether she submitted herself wholly and en- 
tirely into the hands of the Church Militant. 
She answered that if such were her Saviour's 
wish she was quite willing to do so. The 
accusations were now set forth afresh, in twelve 
chief heads or articles, under which the series 
of calumnies was summarised before they 
should be submitted to the University of Paris. 
These twelve heads, which formed the founda- 
tion of Joan of Arc's condemnation, were never 


shown her ; and she had therefore no chance of 
contradicting any of the grossly false charges 
of which they were full. Like the trial itself, 
these articles were merely a sham invented for 
the purpose of throwing dust in the eyes of 
the people, who by these, it was hoped, would 
be persuaded that the law of the Church and 
State had been acted up to. The heads of these 
articles were as follows : — 

First — A woman pretends to have had 
communication with Saints from her thirteenth 
year ; and she affirms that they have counselled 
her to dress in male attire ; she affirms that 
she has found her salvation, and refuses to 
submit herself to the Church. 

Second — She affirms that, through a sign, 
she persuaded the King to believe in her ; 
and that accompanied by an angel she placed 
a crown upon his head. 

Third — She affirms her companionship with 
Saint Michel and other Saints. 

Fourth — She affirms certain things will occur 
by the revelation obtained by her from certain 

Fifth — She affirms that her wearing a man's 
dress is done by her through the will of God ; 
she has sinned by receiving the Sacrament in 
that garb, which she says she would sooner die 
than quit wearing. 

Sixth — She admits having written letters 
signed with the names of Jesus and Mary and 
with the sign of a cross. That, also, she admits 
having threatened death to those who would 


not obey her ; and she affirms that all she has 
done has been accomplished by the Divine will. 

Seventh — She gives a false account of her 
journey to Vaucouleurs and to Chinon. 

Eighth — She also gives an untrue account of 
her attempt to kill herself at Beaurevoir, sooner 
than fall into the power of the English. 

Ninth — And also gives false statements of 
her assurance of salvation, provided she remains 
a maid, and of never having committed any sin. 

Tenth — And also of her pretending that 
Saints Catherine and Margaret speak to her in 
French, and not in English, as they do not 
belong to the latter side. 

Eleventh — She admits the adoration of her 
Saints ; her disobedience to her parents ; and 
of saying that if the evil one were to appear 
in the likeness of Saint Michel she would know 
it was not the Saint. 

Twelfth — Admits that she refuses to submit 
to the Church Militant, and this in spite of 
being told that all faithful members of the 
Church must, by the article ' Unani Sanctam 
Ecclesiam Catholicam,' comply with and submit 
to the commands of the Church Militant, and 
principally in all things which pertain to sacred 
doctrines and the ecclesiastical sanctions. 

This was the substance of the twelve ar- 
ticles which Cauchon laid before the doctors of 
theology and law in Paris. No one knew better 
than the Bishop how false these were ; Manchon 
himself had been so impressed with their utter 
fraudulence that he had inserted in their margin, 



under the date of the 4th of April, the state- 
ment that in many instances the facts alleged 
were entirely at variance with the declarations 
of the prisoner. Cauchon despatched the ar- 
ticles to Paris on the following day, April the 
5th. M. Wallon, in his admirable and exhaus- 
tive history of Joan of Arc, has remarked that 
all her deeds were in these twelve articles tra- 
vestied from acts of piety or patriotism into acts 
of superstition and rebellion against God and His 
Church. 'What,' asks M. Wallon, 'had her 
accusers to reproach her with ? Her visions .'' 
None of her judges could declare these were 
impossible, for then they would declare them- 
selves unbelievers in the history of all the saints, 
which is full of such visions. They might 
deny them if they pleased, but it required all 
the wilful blindness of passion to affirm, once 
such things were articles of belief, that they 
came from Satanic influence.' As regards Joan 
of Arc's costume, she had on several occasions 
answered with sufficient clearness, and every 
person might have made a like answer, that 
there is no hard and fast law laid down by the 
Church relating to the costume that may be 
worn by members of the Church. Nay more, 
it was notorious that one of the female saints 
of the Church (Sainte Marine) had always worn 
a man's dress. The question as to her dress 
had been gone into thoroughly during Joan of 
Arc's examination by the Churchmen and lay- 
men at Poitiers ; that which the Church had 
not blamed at Poitiers could not therefore be 


a sin in Rouen. By the same token, how was 
it possible for Joan to believe that what had 
not been disapproved of by the Archbishop at 
Rheims should be considered a criminal offence 
by the Bishop of Beauvais? As regards the 
question of her submission to the Church, Joan 
of Arc replied, when asked if she would submit 
to its will, in these words : ' You speak to me 
of the "Church Militant" and of the "Church 
Triumphant." I do not understand the signifi- 
cation of those terms ; but I wish to submit 
myself to the Church as all good Christians 
should do.' What more could be required of 
her than this entire submission to the Church ? 
She had made that answer to the doctors and 
clergy at Poitiers, and it had entirely satisfied 
those men. What Joan of Arc had a clear 
rig-ht not to do was to submit herself to her 
arch-enemy the Bishop of Beauvais. When she 
asked what Cauchon and his judges called the 
' Church Militant,' she was told it consisted of 
the Pope and the prelates below him. She 
thereupon exclaimed she would willingly appear 
before him, but that she would not submit to 
the judgment of her enemies, and particularly 
not to Cauchon. ' In saying this,' adds M. 
Wallon, 'she displayed her usual courageous 
spirit. How eagerly had she,' he remarks 
(when told that if she would submit herself to 
the Council then sitting at Bale, where she 
would find some judges of her party among 
the English), 'appealed to be allowed to bring 
her case before that Council ; and it will be 


remembered how Cauchon cursed the lawyer 
who had brought forward the suggestion dur- 
ing the trial.' On that occasion escaped from 
the prisoner's Hps the cry which showed how 
well she knew the unscrupulousness of her 
judges. On learning that her wish to appeal 
to the Council of Bale by Cauchon's order was 
not to appear in that day's report of the trial, 
she said, ' You write down what is against me, 
but you will not write what is favourable to 
me.' Along with the twelve articles, Cauchon 
enclosed a letter to the lawyers in Paris asking 
for their opinion on what he calls the facts 
submitted to them, 'whether they do not appear 
to be contrary to the orthodox faith, to the 
Scriptures, and to the Church of Rome, and 
whether the learned members of the Church 
and doctors do not consider such things as 
stated in these articles as scandalous, dangerous 
to civil order, injurious and adverse to public 
morals.' In every way Cauchon's letter was 
worthy of its author. 

On the 1 2th of April a meeting under the 
presidency of Erard Emenyart, consisting of a 
score of lawyers and clergy, was held in the 
chapel of the archiepiscopal palace. At this 
meeting, with scarcely a dissentient voice, it 
was voted that Joan of Arc had by her deeds 
and her expressed opinions proved herself 
schismatical and strongly tainted with heresy. 
A second meeting took place in the same 
building on the following day, attended by 
some more Church functionaries. Some of 


these suggested that the prisoner should be 
promptly handed over to the secular arm — if 
she refuses still to renounce her errors — and 
if she acknowledges them, her fate will then 
be to be imprisoned for life, and given for 
nourishment 'the bread of sorrows and the 
water of anguish.' Eleven advocates — all be- 
longing to Rouen — however, added the following 
clause, that the latter should be her punishment, 
'provided that her revelations do not come 
from God.' But with the fear of Cauchon 
before them, they added to this clause that 
the revelations coming from such a source 
seems hardly probable, and they appeal to the 
bachelors in theology to set them right on 
that head. The Bishop of Lisieux, who had 
already given as his reason for not believing 
that Joan of Arc's mission could be Heaven- 
inspired the fact of the low station from which 
she came, now repeated the same absurdity 
on this occasion. There were others who 
preferred delaying their verdict until the de- 
cision arrived at by the University of Paris 
had been made known. A number of the 
Churchmen belonging to the Chapter of the 
Cathedral of Rouen hesitated, divided between 
two opinions, for and against the Maid, and 
of these only twenty put in an appearance 
when summoned by Cauchon to meet on the 
13th of April. They were threatened and 
bullied by the Bishop to come in stronger 
numbers on the next day, when they attended 
to the number of thirty-one, but could not be 


prevailed on to give a definite opinion until 
the answer arrived from the University — which 
ultimatum Cauchon had to take with as much 
grace as he could. While these things were 
taking place, Joan of Arc fell ill — worn out 
probably by her long and harsh imprisonment, 
by the mental as well as physical torment 
she must have undergone during those weeks 
of cross-questioning and endless browbeating. 
Her jailers were more alarmed about her con- 
dition than she was herself, for were she to 
die a natural death, half the moral effect her 
enemies counted on obtaining by giving her 
the death of a sorceress and heretic would 
be lost. Doctors were sent for — sent by the 
Cardinal of Winchester and Warwick. When 
asked what ailed her she said that her illness 
had commenced after eating a fish that had 
been sent her by the Bishop of Beauvais. 
Warwick is said to have had the brutality 
to tell the doctors that her life must be 
saved at all hazards, for she had to die by the 
hands of the executioners. The doctors ordered 
her to be bled, and her naturally strong con- 
stitution soon restored her to health. During 
the days of the weakness following her illness, 
Cauchon, thinking probably that more might 
be then wrung from her than when well, came 
to see her. This was on the i8th of April. 
He went to the dungeon accompanied by the 
Vice- Inquisitor and half-a-dozen judges, and the 
following charitable exhortation, as the chroni- 
cler styles it, took place. 


'We have come,' began Cauchon, 'to you 
with charitable and amiable intentions, to con- 
sole you in your sickness. You will remember, 
Joan, how you have been questioned on various 
matters relating to the faith, and you know the 
answers you made. Knowing your ignorance re- 
lating to such matters, we are willing to send 
learned and well-versed men in such matters.' 
Then turning to the lawyers and others present, 
the Bishop continued : ' We exhort you to give 
Joan profitable counsel on the obligations which 
appertain to the true doctrine of the faith, and 
to the furtherance of the safety and welfare of 
her body and soul. Joan,' continued Cauchon, 
' if there be any one else you wish to consult in 
this matter, we are ready to send for such in 
order that they may aid you. We are men of 
the Church, ever ready to aid those in need of 
advice good for the soul as well as the body, 
and ready to benefit you or any of your own 
kith, or ourselves. We should gladly give you 
daily such to advise you. In a word, we are 
ready, under the circumstances, to aid you, as 
does the Church itself, ever ready to help all 
such who will willingly come to her. But be- 
ware to act against our advice and exhortation. 
For if you still should refuse to submit yourself 
to us, we shall abandon you. Judge then of the 
peril you lie in in that case. It is this peril 
which we hope to prevent you from falling into 
with all our strength and all our affection.' 

To this Mephistophelean address Joan of Arc 
made the following reply : ' I render you my 


best thanks for what you have said respecting 
the salvation of my soul ; and it seems to me, 
seeing the illness I am now suffering, that I am in 
danger of dying. If this is to happen, God's will 
be done. I will only ask you to allow me to con- 
fess, and to partake of the Blessed Sacrament, 
and that my body may be laid in holy ground.' 

Cauchon replied as follows : ' If you wish to 
receive the Sacraments of the Church you must 
confess yourself like a good Catholic, and you 
must also submit yourself to the Church. If 
you persevere in not doing so, you cannot ob- 
tain what you desire, except that for Penitence, 
which we are always ready to administer.' 

Joan wearily said to this : ' I have then no- 
thing more to say.' 

The Bishop, however, had no wish that the 
interview should end thus, and continued : ' The 
greater your danger of now dying is, the greater 
reason have you to amend your life ; if you do 
not submit yourself to the Church, then you will 
not obtain the privilege of a Catholic to its Sacra- 

To this she answered : ' If I die here in 
prison, I trust my body will be placed in conse- 
crated earth. If you refuse me this favour, I 
can but appeal to my Saviour ! ' 

'You said,' quoth Cauchon, 'during the trial 
that if you had done or said anything that was 
against our Christian faith you could not sup- 
port it ! ' 

'I refer myself,' said Joan, 'to the answer I 
then made, and to our Lord ! ' 


'You said,' continued tlie Bishop, 'that you 
had received many revelations both from God and 
from the saints. Suppose, then, that now some 
worthy person were to appear, declaring that 
they had received a revelation from God about 
your deeds, would you believe that person ? ' 

To this the prisoner replied : ' There is not 
a Christian on earth, who, coming to me and 
saying that he came by such revelation, I should 
not know whether to believe or not, for I should 
know whether he were true or false by Saint 
Catherine and Saint Margaret.' 

'But,' said Cauchon, 'do you imagine then 
that God is not able to reveal to some one 
besides yourself things that you may be ignorant 
about ? ' 

Joan answered : ' Without a sign, I should 
not believe man or woman.' 

Then Cauchon asked Joan if she believed 
in the holy Scriptures ? 

'You know that I do,' she answered. 

Then the Bishop again returned to the 
question whether or not the prisoner consented 
to submit herself to the Church Militant, by 
which the Church Temporal should be under- 

Now, as before, Joan qf Arc's answer was 

'Whatever,' she said, 'may happen to me, 
I shall neither do nor say anything further than 
that I have already declared during the trial.' 

In vain all the venerable doctors present 
exhorted the prisoner to make her submission ; 


they quoted Scripture, chapter and verse, to 
her (Matt, xviii.), without obtaining any more 
success than the Bishop had done. 

As they were leaving the prison one of 
these 'venerable doctors' hissed to Joan: 'If 
you refuse to submit to the Church, the Church 
will abandon you as if you were a Saracen.' 

To this Joan of Arc replied : ' I am a good 
Christian — a Christian born and baptized — and 
a Christian I shall die.' 

Before Cauchon left his victim he made 
one further attempt to obtain a decided answer 
from Joan of Arc, this time making use of a 
bait which he thought must catch her — namely, 
permission to receive the Communion : ' As,' 
he said, ' you desire the Eucharist, will you, if 
you are allowed to do so, submit yourself to 
the Church ? ' 

To this offer Joan answered: 'As to that 
submission I can give no other answer than 
that I have already given you. I love God ; 
Him I serve, as a good Christian should. Were 
I able I would help the Church with all my 

'But,' said Cauchon, 'if we were to order 
a grand procession to restore your health, then 
would you not submit yourself?' 

' I only request,' she answered, ' that the 
Church and all good Catholics will pray for me.' 

Some of the judges had suggested that, 
in a more public place than in her prison, Joan 
of Arc should be again admonished relating 
to the crimes of which she was accused ; and 


Cauchon accordingly summoned a public meet- 
ing of the judges for the 2nd of May, to be held 
in a chamber near the Great Hall. 

On that day sixty-two judges were present. 
Cauchon took care that the actual charges con- 
tained in the twelve articles which had been 
sent to the University should not be read in 
the presence of the prisoner, and told her that 
she had only been summoned in order to receive 
another admonition before a larger assemblage 
than had as yet met. 

In his opening allocution he told his audi- 
ence that the private admonition had been un- 
attended with good results, that Joan had refused 
to submit herself to the Church, and that he 
had accordingly invited to the present meet- 
ing a learned doctor of theology, namely, John 
de Chatillon, archdeacon of Evreux, whose elo- 
quence he doubted not would have a beneficial 
effect upon the stubbornness of the prisoner. 

On Joan being led into the room, the Bishop 
admonished her to listen to what Chatillon 
would now lay before her, and to agree to what 
he would advise. If she would not do so, he 
added, she would place herself in jeopardy, 
both as to her body and as to her soul. 

Chatillon then took up his parable, which 
was to the effect that all faithful Christians 
must conform to the tenets of the Church ; and 
that he trusted she would do so to all that the 
doctors lay and spiritual there present expected 


The Archdeacon held a digest of his sermon 


in his hand. Seeing this, Joan of Arc requested 
him to read his book, after which, she said, she 
would make her answer. 

The speech, or sermon, that he then de- 
Hvered was an exhaustive examination of the 
twelve articles, brought under six heads, but 
much altered and garbled. 

In the first place, he admonished her of not 
having given a full account of her apparitions 
to the Church through her judges ; secondly, he 
told her of her culpability in insisting on re- 
taining her male attire ; thirdly, of her wicked- 
ness in asserting that she committed no crime 
in retaining that dress ; fourthly, her sin in 
holding as true revelations that could only lead 
the people into error ; fifthly, that she had, 
owing to these revelations, done deeds dis- 
pleasing to the Divine will ; and lastly, that she 
was committing a sin in treating the apparitions 
as holy, when she was not certain whether 
they did not come from evil spirits. When 
Chatillon said that by not conforming to the 
article ' Sandani Ecclesiam, ' she placed herself 
in the power of the Church to condemn her to 
the flames, and to be burnt as a heretic, she 
answered boldly : 

' I will not say aught else than that I have 
already spoken ; and were I even to see the 
fire I should say the same ! ' 

After this answer in the minutes of that 
day's trial is written by the clerk in the 
margin of the vellum : 

' Superba responsio ! ' 


That was a testimony of admiration which 
neither the fears of persecution nor of supersti- 
tion could prevent from appearing. 

Nothing more was to be obtained from the 
prisoner's lips than this declaration, either by 
private or public examinations. This being so, 
Cauchon bethought him what further cruelty 
could be employed to force the prisoner to give 
way, and the barbarous scheme of torture was 
decided on. 

The only portion of the old castle of 
Rouen that has survived Time, war, revolutions, 
and rebuilding (although partially restored), is 
a massive high tower, built of white stone, 
called the Tower of Joan of Arc. This is not 
the tower of the castle which contained the 
heroine's dungeon, but it has always been tra- 
ditionally regarded as that in which, on the 9th 
of May, Joan of Arc was led to where her 
judges intended, by fear or by the infliction of 
bodily torment, to oblige her to make the 
confession which she had so steadily and for 
so long a time refused. The lower portion of 
this tower only is ancient, for from about its 
centre to the top is a restoration. 

The chamber to which Joan of Arc was led, 
and where the instruments of torture and the 
executioners were waiting, is probably that on 
the ground floor, and is but little changed from 
what it was on that May morning in the year 
of grace 143 1. 

In that dark stone chamber with its groined 
roof, besides the prisoner, were present Cauchon, 


with the Vice- Inquisitor, the Abbot of Saint 
Corneille of Compiegne, William Erard, Andrew 
Marguerie, Nicolas de Venderes, John Massieu, 
William Haiton, Aubert Morel, and the infam- 
ous Loiseleur. Ranged round the circular walls 
were placed the instruments of torture, and men 
skilled in their use were ready at hand. 

' Joan,' said Cauchon, who had now dropped 
his hypocritical semblance of sympathy, which 
he had assumed when interrogating the prisoner 
in her cell, 'I command you to tell the truth. 
In your examination many and various points 
have been touched on, about which you refused 
to answer, or, when you did so, answered un- 
truthfully. Of this we have certain proof. 
These points will now be read to you.' 

What was then read was probably a sum- 
mary of the articles of impeachment. 

Cauchon then continued : ' If, Joan, you now 
refuse to speak the truth, you will be put to 
the torture. You see before you the instruments 
which are prepared, and by them stand the exe- 
cutioners, who are ready to do their office at 
our command. You will be tortured in order 
that you may be led into the way of truth, and 
for the salvation of your body and soul, which 
you by your lies have exposed to so great a 

It was at this terrible juncture that Joan 
showed her indomitable spirit more clearly than 
at any moment since her capture. In front of 
her lay the rack upon which, at a signal from 
Cauchon, her limbs would be wrenched asunder ; 


but her reply, as given in the minutes written 
by the clerk who was present, bears the ring of 
a courage superior to all the terrors which con- 
fronted her. 

'Even,' she said, 'if you tear me limb from 
limb, and even if you kill me, I will not tell you 
anything further. And even were I forced to 
do so, I should afterwards declare that it was 
only because of the torture that I had spoken 

That was an answer which sums up the 
whole folly and crime of obtaining evidence by 
means of torture, and recalls Galileo's famous 
phrase when in a somewhat similar situation. 

Cauchon then again ordered Joan to tell 
them of her revelations, and asked her if she 
had again sought counsel from her voices. 

She had, answered Joan. 

'And have they,' asked the Bishop, 'fore- 
told what will now happen ? ' 

'I asked them,' answered Joan of Arc, 'if 
I should be burnt, and they answered : " Abide 
by your Lord and He will aid you." ' 

There is little more than the above recorded 
of what took place, but it is probable that Joan, 
who had as yet hardly recovered from her 
illness, was, from fear of her dying under the 
torture, not subjected to it. At any rate, that 
additional horror was not to be laid on the 
consciences of the already heavily burthened 
judges of the Maid. 

It appears, however, that these men had 
not altogether given up the idea of carrying 


out this barbarity, so congenial to such a man 
as Cauchon and to his friend the Inquisitor ; 
for a meeting was summoned by Cauchon at his 
house three days after Joan had been brought 
face to face with the torture apparatus, at which 
the question was discussed as to whether it 
should not after all be used. 

Thirteen judges met the Bishop and the 
Inquisitor to discuss the question. Of these 
the following were against applying torture : 
Maitres Roussel, Venderes, Marguerie, Erard, 
Barbier, Gastinel, Coppequesne, Ledoux, De 
la Pierre, Haiton, and Lemaistre. One of 
these, Erard, remarked that it was unnecessary 
to torture the prisoner seeing that, as he ex- 
pressed it, ' they had already sufficient evidence 
to condemn her to death without putting her 
to torment.' But Thomas de Courcelles, and 
Loiseleur were in favour that it should be 
made use of Surely the names of these men 
deserve to be held in execration, and placed 
by the side of Cauchon's in the historic pillory 
of everlasting infamy. 

Meanwhile the University of Paris were 
deliberating upon their answer to the twelve 
articles. This body met on the 29th of April, 
within the convent of Saint Bernard. The 
ancient building, in which the University held 
many notable conclaves when even Popes were 
judged by the doctors of Paris, still exists, 
but it has been transformed into an oil ware- 
house. John de Troyes, senior of the Faculty 
of Theology, was the spokesman, and read the 



decisions of the faculty on each of the twelve 
articles. It is unnecessary to go through the 
long verbiage of abuse and blasphemy with 
which these theologians thought it their duty to 
bespatter Joan of Arc. 

On every head these reverend seigneurs 
condemned her. After De Troyes had finished 
his reading of the opinions and the judgment, 
Guerold de Boissel read the deliberations of 
the Faculty of Decrees upon the six points of 
accusation. ' If this woman,' so ran the rede, 
'was in her right mind when she made af- 
firmation of the propositions contained in the 
twelve articles, one may say in the manner of 
counsel and of doctrine, and to speak charitably, 
first, that she is schismatic in separating herself 
from obedience to the Church ; secondly, that 
she is out of the pale of the law in contra- 
dicting the article " Unam Sanctam Ecclesiam 
Catholicam " ; thirdly, apostate, for having cut 
short her hair, which was given her by God 
to hide her head with, and also in having 
abandoned the dress of a woman for that 
of a man ; fourthly, vicious and a soothsayer, 
for saying, without showing miracles, that she 
is sent by God, as was Moses and John 
the Baptist ; fifthly, rebel to the faith, by 
remaining under the anathema framed by the 
canons of the Church, and by not receiving 
the Sacraments of the Church at the season 
set apart by the Church, in order not to have 
to cease wearing the dress of a man ; and, 
sixthly, blasphemous in saying that she knows 



she will be received into Paradise. Therefore, 
if after being charitably warned she refuses to 
re-enter the Catholic faith, and thereby give 
satisfaction, she shall be given over to the 
secular judges, and meet with the punishment 
due to her crimes.' 

And the University of Paris in solemn con- 
clave ratified the above judgment. The Univer- 
sity also sent Cauchon a letter of commenda- 
tion, in which he was held up to the general 
admiration as a faithful pastor, zealous in good 
works, on whom the University trusted that the 
Almighty would, on the day of His manifesta- 
tion, bestow an imperishable crown of glory. 

Such were the sentiments of the most erudite, 
most pious, and most eminent school of learning 
existing in the capital of France. On the 19th 
of May Cauchon summoned yet another gather- 
ing of Joan's judges in the archiepiscopal palace 
at Rouen. Fifty of them attended. After some 
discussion, during which, a few of the learned 
men present expressed their opinion that Joan 
of Arc should be at once handed over to the 
secular arm, it was decided that the prisoner 
should again be brought before them to be 
what thiey were pleased to call ' charitably ad- 
monished.' Accordingly, four days after, on the 
23rd of May, in a chamber near Joan of Arc's 
dungeon, another meeting was held. On this 
occasion a canon of Rouen, named Peter Morice, 
was ordered to question the prisoner. 

He commenced by delivering a long lecture, 
in which he recapitulated the twelve articles, 


and wound up his oration by imploring Joan 
to submit herself to the Church Militant, and 
threatening her with the loss of body and soul 
in this world and the next if she still refused 
to do so. 

Joan of Arc was as unmoved and as firm 
when thus threatened as she had been when 
placed before the instruments of torture, and 
she replied : — 

'If I were to see the fire itself, the stake, 
and the executioner ready to light the pile, and 
were I in the midst of the flames, I should not 
say anything else than what I have already 
spoken during the trial, and this is my deter- 
mination, even unto my death ! ' 

There is some probability for believing that, 
during the following evening after this last meet- 
ing of Joan of Arc and her judges, Loiseleur 
gained admittance to the prisoner, and, under 
the disguise of a friendly and sympathetic priest, 
promised Joan that if she would conform to the 
wishes of the judges, she should be taken out 
of the prison she now lay in and the custody of 
the English, and transferred to prisons belong- 
ing to the Church. 

Poor Joan's chief desire was that she might 
be set free from the hands of the English. 
Be this as it may, there is no authority given 
for this idea of Loiseleur having probed her 
on this point ; and Wallon, in his history of 
the Maid, makes no allusion to such an inter- 
view, and only states that John Beaupere went 
in the morning of the 24th to the prison, and 


he was soon followed there by Nicolas Loiseleur, 
who vehemently urged on Joan to comply with 
the demands which the judges had made. 

Nothing had been neglected to give the 
greatest solemnity to the cruel farce which 
Cauchon had prepared to be now enacted — a 
solemnity by which the Bishop hoped to de- 
grade Joan of Arc in the eyes of the people. 
It was that of obliging the prisoner to make 
a public apology and recantation of all her 
deeds — a declaration in fact to be made by 
her in the eyes of the whole world that all 
she had undertaken and accomplished had been 
through and by the aid of evil spirits. 

By this stroke the Bishop hoped to show 
to France that its heroine, instead of being a 
sainted and holy maid sent by God to deliver 
her country from the invader, was, by her own 
open and public confession, proved to be an 
emanation from Satan — a being abhorrent in 
the eyes of God and man. By this device, 
Cauchon hoped also to deal a blow to Charles, 
for when once it became known that his ser- 
vant and saviour was a creature in league with 
the fiends, all the works done through her 
influence, and by her prowess, including his 
coronation, would also be proved to have been 
accomplished by the powers of darkness, and 
therefore deeds abhorrent to all good Catholics 
throughout his realm. 

The place chosen for the stage on which 
Joan of Arc was to abjure before the eyes of 
Rouen — and through Rouen the rest of France 


— her deeds and her words, was the cemetery 
in front of that most beautiful of all Gothic 
fanes — the Church of Saint Ouen. 

Adjacent to its southern wall the exquisitely 
carved portal named the Marmousets, then as 
now rich in statuary of royal and imperial bene- 
factors of the Church, looks down upon what 
is the entrance to a fair public garden. In the 
fifteenth century this space was used as a place 
of burial. 

Here, arranged with a view to dramatic 
effect, were placed two huge wooden scaffolds, 
or rather platforms, which faced one another. 
Upon one of these sat the Bishop of Beauvais 
in state. He had on his right hand the Prince 
Cardinal of Winchester, great-uncle of the child- 
king Henry VI., with other notabilities of the 
Church ; the Bishops of Norwich, of Noyon, 
and of Therouenne ; the Vice-Inquisitor, eight 
abbots, and a large number of friars and doc- 
tors, clerical and lay — in fact all those who had 
attended the trials of the Maid of Orleans 
during the two preceding months. Upon the 
opposite platform stood Joan of Arc, a crowd 
of lawyers and priests about her. Here, too, 
stood Loiseleur close by the prisoner ; he never 
ceased urging her to conform to the commands 
of the clergy about her. 

A vast throng of the town's-people gathered 
below, and the place was all in a turmoil. A 
seething mob had followed the Maid from her 
prison to the cemetery, which, already full, now 
held with difficulty the fresh press of people 


who accompanied Joan of Arc and her guards 
to the purHeus of the Church of Saint Ouen. 

William Erard had been appointed by 
Cauchon to preach in this ' terrible comedy,' as 
Michelet calls this farce of the Maid's abjura- 
tion. For text the monk selected the fifteenth 
chapter of Saint John's gospel: 'The branch,' 
etc. Erard showed in his discourse how Joan 
had fallen from one sin into another, till she 
had at length separated herself from the Church. 
To a long string of abuse about herself Joan 
of Arc listened with perfect patience ; but the 
preacher, not content with hurling his invec- 
tives at the prisoner, began to attack her 
King for having listened to Joan's advice, by 
which conduct the King had, Erard said, also 
incurred the crime of heresy. 

This attack on Charles roused the indigna- 
tion of the Maid. Turning on the monk, without 
a moment's thought of her own situation, and 
the fresh danger she exposed herself to, the 
noble girl exclaimed : ' By my faith, and with 
all respect to you, I dare to affirm on my peril 
that the King of this realm is the noblest of 
Christians, and no one has greater love for the 
Faith and Church than my King!' 

' Silence her ! ' shrieked the preacher, beside 
himself with rage at finding that these few 
words from the lips of Joan of Arc had de- 
stroyed all the effect of his eloquence on that 
vast crowd, whose sympathy must have been 
now strongly shown towards the glorious victim 
before them. 


Again summoned to submit to the Church, 
Joan said : ' I have answered on that point 
already to my judges. I call upon them to 
send an account of all my actions to the Holy 
Father at Rome, to whom after God I submit 
myself ' 

This was not what Cauchon wished his 
victim to express, for one of the charges that 
he had made against her was her refusal to 
submit to the Pope. He therefore changed the 
subject, and asked Joan of Arc whether she 
acknowledged that there were any things evil 
among those deeds she had committed or 

'As to my deeds and sayings,' she answered, 
' I have done them by the command of God.' 

'Then you admit,' said the Bishop, 'that 
the King and others have sometimes urged you 
to act as you have done ? ' 

'As to my words and actions,' she answered, 
' I make no one, and particularly not the King, 
responsible. If any wrong has been committed, 
it is I who am to blame, and not another.' 

'But,' said Cauchon, 'those acts and words 
of yours which have been found evil by the 
judges, will you recant them ? ' 

'I submit them,' said Joan, 'to God and 
our Holy Father the Pope.' 

'The bishops,' continued Cauchon, 'are the 
judges in their dioceses, therefore you must 
submit to the Church as your judges have 
determined that you shall do.' 

Joan still refused, and the Bishop then 


began to read the sentence condemning her 
to death as a heretic. 

Now arose a great uproar among the clergy 
and others on the platforms and among the 
crowd beneath. Loiseleur and Massieu urged 
her to abjure ; the former promising that if she 
consented she would, after abjuring, be taken 
from her English jailers and placed in keeping 
of the clergy. In the midst of the hubbub 
Erard produced a parchment scroll, on which, he 
told Joan, were written the different accusations 
against her, which she had only to sign with 
her mark to be saved. All about this abjura- 
tion was a mesh of confusion to the mind of 
Joan. Massieu told her she need but make a 
mark on the parchment before her to be deli- 
vered : if not — and he pointed down to a grim 
figure near the foot of the stage they were on, 
where stood the headsman with cart and assis- 
tants, ready to draw her to the stake. 

' Abjure ! ' cried Erard and Massieu, ' or you 
will be taken and burnt.' 

Even Joan of Arc's courage failed at that 
sight, and all the woman in her nature asserted 

'Do what I tell you,' cried Loiseleur; 'ab- 
jure and put on woman's dress, and all will yet 
be well.' 

The text of the abjuration was then hurriedly 
read, Joan of Arc following it, and repeating 
the words, the sense of which she had no time 
to understand. She spoke the words, it is said, 
as one in a dream. Some said she did this 


mockingly, for she was observed to smile once 
or twice ; but the poor soul's spirit was crushed, 
and doubtless the whole scene was to her like an 
evil dream — the poor broken-down body could 
not discriminate what words she was forced to 
repeat. A troubled, horrible dream must that 
have seemed to the hapless maiden, standing 
on that scaffold, with all the shouting mob about, 
and all her deadly enemies at hand. She made 
her mark on the parchment — a little cross — and 
the deed was done. 

In the recantation, or abjuration, thus ob- 
tained from Joan of Arc, the twelve articles were 
included, with all their abuse set down. Thus 
was Joan obliged by her signature to declare 
that all her visions and voices were false and 
from evil spirits ; also that she had been guilty 
of transgressing laws divine in having worn her 
hair cut short and the dress of a man ; also in 
having caused bloodshed ; also in having idola- 
trously invoked evil spirits ; also in having 
treated God and His sacraments with contempt ; 
and, besides all this, of having acted schismati- 
cally, and of having fallen foul of the Church : 
all of which crimes and errors she now ab- 
jured, and humbly submitted herself to the will 
of the Church and its ordinances. She promised 
with her abjuration not to relapse, and called on 
Saint Peter, the Pope, as well as the Bishop of 
Beauvais and other of her judges, to keep her 

Not content with having inveigled Joan of 
Arc into signing this farrago of blasphemous 


nonsense, her judges, it seems, added fraud 
to their crime by reading to the prisoner a 
different recantation from that to which they 
had forced her to sign her mark. The one she 
marked contained only six lines, and it did 
not take longer to read these few lines, an 
eye-witness afterwards asserted, than it does 
to repeat the ' Paternoster ' ; whereas the one 
produced after the ceremony of the abjuration 
filled several sides. But in an act of such 
infamy as this of having cheated Joan of Arc 
not only into signing a recantation of her life- 
work, but of confessing to her existence hav- 
ing been one long series of superstitious and 
criminal workings with the spirits of evil, it 
matters very little whether she signed a longer 
or a shorter list of falsehoods invented by her 
persecuting judges. 

While these things were taking place upon 
the platform on which Joan was bullied into 
signing this abjuration, the English and their 
faction in the crowd below began to fear that 
their victim would escape them ; they had not 
grasped the astuteness of the French prelate, 
who was ready to hand his prisoner over to 
them directly he had obtained this recantation 
from her hand. Cauchon was, however, obliged 
to keep them waiting until he had got that by 
which he hoped to destroy Joan of Arc's fame, 
and at the same time, and by the same deed, 
to retain in his possession a formidable weapon 
by which he thought to weaken the cause of 
the French monarch. 


Cauchon may well have felt on that after- 
noon that what he had done for the Eng-lish 
cause merited as his reward the coveted arch- 
bishopric of Rouen. There remained but one 
further act for him to play in this drama before 
he quitted his platform. Rising from among 
his brother bishops he read a list of the crimes 
committed by the prisoner, and announced that, 
as Joan had now, owing to her abjuration 
of her sins, re-entered into the fold of the 
Church, she was absolved by him from her 
excommunication. However, he added, as she 
had sinned so grievously against God and the 
Church, he, for the sake of her soul's welfare, 
condemned her to perpetual imprisonment — 
'to the water of sorrow, and the bread of 
anguish,' so that she might repent of her faults, 
and cease ever to commit any more. 

Then, in spite of the promises made to her 
of being placed in the . charge of the clergy, 
Cauchon ordered that Joan should be taken 
back to her former prison. 

Warwick is said to have displayed anger 
at this termination of the proceedings. Observ- 
ing this, one of the judges pacified him by 
assuring him that Joan should not be allowed 
to escape her fate: 'Do not fear, my lord,' 
he said ; ' you will catch her yet.' 

That evening the Vice- Inquisitor, accom- 
panied by Loiseleur, Thomas de Courcelles, 
Isambard de la Pierre, and a few other of 
the judges who had taken part in the pro- 
ceedings that day at Saint Ouen, visited the 


prisoner. Their object in going to her was to 
insist upon her changing her man's dress, with 
which demand she now had to comply. That 
occurred on Thursday night, and on the Sunday 
following a rumour was spread abroad that Joan 
of Arc had discarded the woman's dress, and 
had again put on male dress. 

Although, during the last days of the hero- 
ine's life, it is most difficult to gather anything 
authentic as to her treatment in the prison, 
we are led to understand, by the least untrust- 
worthy testimony, that what happened in the 
interval between Thursday night and the follow- 
ing Sunday was as follows. 

The soldiers placed in charge of Joan after 
her recantation and her return to the prison had 
rendered her existence a long martyrdom ; and 
there is reason to believe that on her discard- 
ing her man's dress these ruffians attempted to 
violate the prisoner : so, sooner than suffer this, 
although she knew that to return to her former 
dress would be equivalent to meeting certain 
death, she did not hesitate to save her maiden- 
hood at the exposure of her life. 

Michelet, in his history of the Maid, quotes 
from the deposition of one of the officials — Mas- 
sieu, who saw much of Joan of Arc in those 
last days — the statement that on the morning 
of Trinity Sunday, on waking, she asked the 
soldiers to leave her alone for a few moments 
while she dressed ; that one of the men re- 
moved her woman's clothes, and in place sub- 
stituted the dress of a man ; and that, in order 


not to be naked, she was obliged to put on the 

Be this as it may, on the following morning, 
Cauchon, followed by several of his creatures, 
returned to the prison, in order that he might 
see and show to others that his victim had 
been entrapped at last. 'We have come,' he 
said to the prisoner, ' to find out the state of 
your soul, and we find you, in despite of our 
command, and despite of your promise to re- 
nounce this man's dress, again thus attired. Tell 
us the reason why you have dared again to wear 
these clothes.' 

Joan's answer was that she preferred that 
dress to the other, and that, being placed among 
men, it was better that she should wear it 
than the dress of a woman. Although not 
placed in the judicial record of this interview, 
Manchon adds in his account of the proceed- 
ings on that day, that Joan of Arc also said 
that she had returned to wearing her male attire, 
feeling safer when in that dress than when she 
was dressed in woman's clothes. This seems 
to us an evident avowal that she had to re- 
sist the brutality of the men placed over her in 
the dungeon. Massieu also adds to Manchon's 
testimony that he knew Joan was unable to pro- 
tect herself against attempts made to violate 
her. Her legs were chained to the wood with 
which her pallet bed was framed, and this chain 
was again fixed to a large beam about six 
feet long, and locked with a padlock ; so that 
the poor creature could hardly move. To the 


above testimony of these two men, Isambard 
de la Pierre adds his. He states that when 
Cauchon came to the Maid's dungeon she bore 
all the traces of having undergone a violent 
struggle, ' being all in tears, and so bruised and 
outraged (oiih-agde) that he (Isambard) could 
not help feeling pity for her.' 

But the strongest testimony of all is that 
of the priest, Martin Ladvenu, who heard her 
confession on the eve of her death, and he con- 
firms Isambard's statement entirely. He even 
adds that not only had Joan of Arc to suffer 
from the brutality of the soldiery placed about 
her, but that a millouri d Angleterre had acted 
as shamefully as these men towards her. 

Although Michelet and other French writers 
have naturally not allowed this ' Millourt ' (which, 
by the way, is quite as correct a form of spell- 
ing that title as the better known ' Milor ') 
to escape the branding he deserves for his 
attempted villainy, it is but fair to add that 
Isambard de la Pierre, as well as Manchon, 
qualify his conduct as that not of a would-be 
violator, but of a tempter — a not inconsiderable 
difference in the scale of infamy. 

To return to Cauchon and Joan of Arc. 

'But,' said the Bishop, 'are you not aware 
you have now no right to wear such a dress?' 

Joan answered that she had been misled 
into believing that if she wore the woman's 
dress she would be allowed to hear Mass and 
to communicate, and to be, she added, 'de- 
livered from these chains.' 


'But,' replied Cauchon, 'have you not ab- 
jured, and promised never to take to wearing 
this dress again ? ' 

'I would prefer to die,' she answered, 'than 
to remain on a prisoner here. But if I were 
allowed to go to the Mass, and these chains 
were taken off me, and if I was placed in some 
other prison where some woman could be near 
me, then I should do all that is required of me 
by the Church.' 

In all Joan of Arc's answers it should be 
noticed that she never, in spite of the terrible 
sufferings she endured, and the gross barbarities 
inflicted on her, in any single instance ever 
made any complaint of her treatment. There is 
something superhuman in this utter absence of 
any shade of vindictiveness, when one thinks 
that, by a few words, she might have saved 
herself from much of what she had to suffer. 
Never once did she blame even those who had 
deceived, insulted, and ill-treated her ; her life 
was one beautiful example, full of divine charity 
and forgiveness. 

Cauchon, to make doubly sure of complet- 
ing his work, then asked Joan : ' Have you, 
since last Thursday, heard the voices of Saint 
Catherine and Saint Margaret ? ' 

'Yes,' she answered. 

'And,' continued the Bishop, ' what did they 
say? ' 

' They told me of the great sorrow they 
felt for the great treason to which I have been 
led, by my abjuring and revoking my deeds in 


order to save my life, and that by so doing I 
have lost my soul.' 

On the margin of the original document of 
the MSS. of this examination, written in the 
prison, the original of which is in the National 
Library in Paris, we find alongside of this 
answer of Joan of Arc's the following words : 
' Responsio moriifera.' Indeed it was an answer 
of deadliest import ; for Joan in asserting that 
her voices had again spoken to her, and in 
saying that she had committed a mortal sin 
by recanting her deeds, had thrown away the 
only plank of safety left her. 

It seems to us evident, however, that Joan 
of Arc was now quite eager and willing to 
meet the worst that her enemies could inflict 
upon her : death itself must now have seemed 
more tolerable than the daily death she was 
undergoing in her prison. 

' Did your voices urge you to resist giv- 
ing way about the recantation ? ' questioned the 

'My voices,' Joan said, 'told me as I stood 
on the platform before the people that I should 
answer the preacher with boldness.' 

'Did he not,' said Cauchon, 'speak the 
truth ? ' 

'No,' she answered, 'he was a false preacher ; 
and he accused me of having done things which 
I never did.' 

'But,' then said Cauchon, 'do you mean to 
tell us that you still persist in saying that you 
have been sent by God .-' ' 


To which Joan replied that that was still 
her belief. 

'Then,' continued the Bishop, 'you deny 
that to which you swore on oath only last 
Thursday ? ' 

'My voices,' said Joan, 'have told me since 
then that I had committed a bad deed in say- 
ing that I had not done the things which I 
have done ! ' 

'Then,' continued the Bishop, with eager- 
ness, ' you retract your abjuration ? ' 

'It was,' said Joan of Arc, 'from the fear 
of being burnt that I retracted what I had 
done ; but I never intended to deny or revoke 
my voices.' 

'But then,' said Cauchon, 'are you now no 
longer afraid of being burnt ? ' 

' I had rather die than endure any longer 
what I have now to undergo.' 

And with these broken-hearted words of the 
sufferer ended this long mockery of a trial, so 
patiently endured during three weariful months 
by the martyr Maid. 

On quitting the prison, Cauchon met Lord 
Warwick among some Englishmen in the outer 
court of the castle. They were clamouring that 
the execution of Joan of Arc should be soon 
carried out. The Bishop accosted the Earl 
with a smile of triumph, and said to him in 
English : — 

' You can dine now with a good appetite. 
We have caught her at last ! ' 



THE next day, the 29th of May, Cauchon 
summoned a large number of prelates and 
doctors — forty-two in all — to meet him at the 
archiepiscopal chapel, where he recounted to 
them all the circumstances of his late interview 
with the prisoner. He told them how he had 
found Joan, in spite of her abjuration, again 
dressed as a man, and of her having reaffirmed 
all that she had so recently abjured regarding 
her voices and apparitions. When he had con- 
cluded, Cauchon took the opinion of those 
around him. Without one dissentient voice, 
they all affirmed that she should be handed 
over to the secular arm — i.e., burnt. The de- 
liberation had not taken long, and, after thank- 
ing the company, the Bishop made out a formal 
order by which Joan was summoned at eight 
o'clock on the next morning to the old market- 
place, there to be delivered into the hands of 
the civil judge, and by him to be handed over 
to those of the executioners. 'We conclude,' 
said the Bishop, as he dismissed the meeting, 
' that Joan shall be treated as a relapsed heretic, 
for this appears to us right and proper in the 
sight of law and justice.' 


Early in the morning of Wednesday, the 30th 
of May — a date which should be held sacred in 
France as that of the martyrdom of her who 
through all time must be her country's greatest 
glory — two priests (Martin Ladvenu and John 
Toutmouilld) were sent by the Bishop's order 
to the prisoner to tell her that her last day 
on earth had come. Toutmouille describes, with 
some pathos, the manner in which Joan of Arc 
received the terrible news. She, he tells us, at 
first wept bitterly, and said she would sooner be 
beheaded seven times than suffer such a death 
as that of burning. She recalled with pain the 
promises made by Cauchon to her — that after 
she had abjured she would be taken to the 
prison of the Church, for then, she said, this cruel 
death would not have befallen her ; and she 
called upon God, 'the omnipotent and just Judge,' 
to take pity on her. While she thus lamented 
her fate, Cauchon entered the dungeon. Turning 
on him, she cried : 'I lay my death at your 
door ; for had you placed me in the prison of 
the Church, this cruel death would not have 
befallen me, and I make you responsible to 
God for my death.' 

Then, turning away from the Bishop, she 
appeared more calm, and, addressing one of the 
judges who had followed Cauchon into the 
prison, exclaimed : ' Master Peter ' — the man's 
name was Peter Maurice — 'where shall I be 
this evening ? ' 

'Have you not good hope in God's mercy?' 
he answered. 


'Yes,' said Joan; 'and by His grace I hope 
to be in Paradise.' 

Cauchon and the others having left her 
alone with Martin Ladvenu, she made her con- 
fession to him, and when that was finished she 
begged that the Sacrament might be adminis- 
tered to her. Without Cauchon's leave Ladvenu 
did not dare to obtain this supreme consolation 
for the martyr. 

He despatched a messenger to the Bishop, 
who, after consulting with some of the clergy, 
gave his permission. In the meanwhile, the 
city had heard that the day of the Maid of 
Orleans' execution had come, and the people 
crowded about the neighbourhood of the castle. 
In spite of the English soldiery, the people did 
not conceal their grief and dismay on learning 
that the heroine was so soon to perish. The 
Eucharist was brought into the prison, but with- 
out the usual accompaniments of candle, stole, 
and surplice. These ' maimed rights ' raised the 
indignation of the priest Martin, and he indig- 
nantly refused to proceed with the ceremony 
until lights and stole were brought. During 
the time in which Joan of Arc was receiving 
the Sacrament, those persons who had been 
admitted within the castle recited the litany for 
the departing soul, and never had the mourn- 
ful invocation for the dying, the supplication 
of the solemn chant, ' Kyrie eleison ! Chrisie 
eleison ! ' been raised from a more tragic place, 
or on a more heart-stirring occasion. Outside, 
in the street, and all around the prison gates. 


knelt the weeping people, fervently praying, and 
earnestly invoking the Almighty and His saints 
for her who was about to lay down her young 
life in their behalf 'Christ have pity! Saint 
Margaret have pity ! Pray for her, all ye saints, 
archangels, and blessed martyrs, pray for her! 
Saints and angels intercede for her ! From Thy 
wrath, good Lord, deliver her! O, Lord God, 
save her ! Have mercy on her, we beseech thee, 
good Lord ! ' The poor, helpless people had 
nothing but their prayers to give Joan of Arc ; 
but these we may believe were not unavailing. 
There are few more pathetic events recorded 
in history than this weeping, helpless, praying 
crowd, holding their lighted candles, and kneel- 
ing, on the pavement, beneath the prison walls 
of the old fortress. 

It was about nine o'clock when they placed 
on Joan of Arc a long white shirt, such as 
criminals wore at their execution, and on her 
head they set a mitre-shaped paper cap, on 
which the words ' heretic, relapsed, apostate, 
idolatress,' were written. 

This was the head-dress which the victims 
of the Inquisition carried, and in which they 
were burnt. 

When Joan of Arc was taken forth to die, 
there mounted with her on to the cart the two 
priests, Martin Ladvenu and Isambard. Eight 
hundred English troops lined the road by which 
the death-cart and its load passed from the 
castle to the old market-place ; they were armed 
with staves and with axes. These soldiers, as 


the victim passed, fell into line behind the 
cart, and kept off with their staves the crowd, 
eager to show its sympathy for Joan. 

Suddenly, when as yet the procession had 
gone but a short distance, a man pushed his 
way through the crowd and the soldiers, and 
threw himself at Joan of Arc's feet, imploring 
her forgiveness. 

It was the priest Loiseleur, Joan's confes- 
sor and betrayer. Roughly thrown back by 
the men-at-arms, Loiseleur disappeared in the 
throng, but not before Joan had bestowed her 
pardon on him. On the old market-place — 
where now not a single building remains which 
witnessed the tragedy of that day — was a wide 
space, surrounded by picturesquely gabled and 
high-roofed houses, like those which still sur- 
vive in the old Norman capital, and within 
a short distance of the churches of Saint 
Sauveur and Saint Michel, now destroyed. 
Two tribunes had been raised on either side 
of the square. Between this, placed high on 
a stage of masonry, stood the pile. A placard 
affixed in front of this pile bore a long inscrip- 
tion, beginning thus: 'Joan, known as the 
Maid "... and ending with a cumbrous list of 
epithets, among which ' apostate ' and ' schis- 
matic ' were the least abusive. 

Pending the final act, a monk named 
Nicolas Midi was ordered by Cauchon to 
address the prisoner and those present. The 
Bishop's words have come down to us. 

'For your admonition,' he began, 'and for 


the edification of all those present, a learned 
discourse will now be delivered by the dis- 
tinguished doctor, Nicolas Midi ' ; and the 
distinguished doctor then took for his text, 
from the first Epistle of Saint Paul to the 
Corinthians, twelfth chapter, the words : 'If 
one member suffereth,' etc. 

The gist of his sermon was to prove that 
it was necessary, in order to prevent others fall- 
ing into sin, that the guilty member should be 
removed. Strange, indeed, how often the words 
of Scripture have been used and mis-used in 
excuse, or in vindication, of the most atrocious 
cruelties by so-called Christians, professing to 
preach the religion of mercy, of forgiveness, 
and of humanity. 

The sermon being finished, the preacher 
addressed Joan of Arc in the following words : 
' Joan, the Church, wishing to prevent infection, 
casts you from her. She no longer protects 
you. Depart in peace ! ' 

Then Cauchon took up his text, which was 
to the effect that Joan, ' by renouncing her ab- 
juration, had returned as the dog of Scripture 
did to its vomit ; for which cause we, Peter, by 
the divine mercy Bishop of Beauvais, and 
brother John Lemaitre, vicar of the very rever- 
end doctor John Graverent Inquisitor of the 
heretical evil [especially retained by Cauchon 
in the present case], have by a just judgment, 
declared you, Joan, commonly styled the Maid, 
fallen back into diverse errors and crimes, schis- 
matical, idolatrous, and guilty of other sins in 


great number. For these causes we declare 
you fallen back into your former errors, and 
by the sentence of excommunication under 
which you were already found guilty we de- 
clare you to be heretical and relapsed ; and 
we declare that you, as a decayed member, to 
prevent the contagion from spreading to others, 
are cast from the unity of the Church, and 
given over to the secular power. We reject, 
we cast you off, and we abandon you, praying 
that, beyond death and the mutilation of your 
limbs, the Church treats you with moderation.' 

These last words were the usual formula 
used by the Inquisition when its victims were 
about to be committed to the flames. Joan 
of Arc meanwhile was praying fervently ; and 
when Cauchon had finished speaking, she humbly 
begged those around her to pray for her. Her 
tears, her fervour, and her submission, over- 
came the feelings even of her judges. 

Winchester was seen to weep, and a great 
wave of pity swept over the immense con- 
fused crowd ; for her enemies as well as her 
friends among the people were all more or less 
under its influence. 

In her prayers the heroine implored the 
Divine Mercy to pardon those from whom she 
had suffered so much. ' Pray for me in your 
churches,' she said to the priests — to those priests 
and to the Church that had deserted and con- 
demned her ; for in spite of all that she had 
endured at the hands of those Churchmen, Joan 
of Arc remained to the end as fervent and loyal 


a Churchwoman as she had been throughout her 

One thing she missed. Turning to Massieu, 
she asked him if he had a cross. He had not, 
nor could one be found ; but an Englishman 
broke his stave into two pieces, and these tied 
together formed a rude cross. 

This cross Joan took, and placed it against 
her heart ; but she still wanted a consecrated 
cross to be held before her while struggling in 
the flames, and this was at length obtained by 
the priest Isambard, who fetched one from the 
adjacent Church of Saint Sauveur. 

Meanwhile the English soldiers began to 
grumble at the length of these preparations : 
' Do they expect us to dine here ? ' they growled. 
As soon as the cross from the church had 
been placed in her hands, she devoutly kissed 
it, invoking God and her saints to assist her in 
this the heaviest of her needs, when all human 
help had abandoned her. 

The heroine appears to have been then 
seized by the English sergeants-at-arms, and 
given by them into the charge of the execu- 
tioners ; and while she was being led to the foot 
of the high pile of clay and wood — the instrument 
of her martyrdom — the men-at-arms surrounded 
and roughly handled their prisoner. The scene 
had become so poignant that many of the judges 
left their tribune, unable to endure the sight of 
that white-robed and helpless figure in the midst 
of the brutal soldiers hounding her on to her 
death. It must indeed have been a ghastly 


spectacle, even for men accustomed to scenes 
of savage brutality and cruelty. At length she 
was delivered from her tormentors, and, pre- 
ceded by the executioner, she mounted the 
ladder, and was bound round the body by a 
chain attached to the stake. 

The good priest, Isambard, closely followed 
her, and stood immediately beneath her, with 
the cross held and raised towards Joan, who 
but once removed her gaze from off it. 

'Keep it,' she said to Isambard, 'keep it 
always before my eyes, till death.' 

Then she took a last look around her — a 
last look on a world which had been so harsh 
and cruel a world to her, poor victim of all 
the powers of evil on this earth ! She looked 
but once on the surging crowd beneath, at the 
old timbered houses of the town, filled from 
basement to high-peaked roof, with thousands 
of its citizens. ' O, Rouen, Rouen ! ' she cried, 
'must I die here? I have great fear lest you 
will suffer for my death.' And with that she 
put away from her all earthly things, and gave 
herself up to Heaven. In the interval the 
executioners had lighted the lower portion of 
the pile of wood, and the fire, fed by the pitch- 
covered fagots, mounted rapidly. 

Joan of Arc gave a cry of terror, and called 
aloud for ' Water, holy water ! ' The body had 
for an instant conquered the spirit — but it was 
only for an instant. 

At that moment Cauchon had the incon- 
ceivable and apparendy devil-driven curiosity to 


approach the martyr, hoping, perhaps, that in 
the first terror at seeing the fire springing up 
to her, Joan of Arc would let fall some words 
of reproach against her King or her saints. 

'Joan,' he cried through the crackling of 
the flames, ' I have come to exhort you for the 
last time.' 

' I die through you,' she said, as she had 
said once before, and then she was allowed to 
die in peace, so far as Cauchon and his Church 
were concerned. For her all earthly things were 
now over. Till the last sign of life expired the 
eye-witnesses who have given us the fullest 
account of her last moments — the priests Isam- 
bard and Massieu — declared that she continued 
to call on her God and on her saints. Fre- 
quently through the blinding smoke and the 
fierce rush of flame her face looked that of a 
blessed saint uplifted and radiant. 

With one loud cry of ' Jesus ! ' her head 
fell on her breast. 

Thus came Joan of Arc to her glorious 

There is a tradition that when the ashes 
of the martyr Maid were gathered to be cast 
into the Seine, the heart was found uncon- 
sumed — Cor cordiiim ! 

Many other traditions are related regarding 
her death, but none with much certainty. The 
executioner is said to have come later on that 
day to Isambard in an agony of grief. He 
confessed himself, and told Isambard that he 
felt Heaven would never pardon him for the 


part he had taken in killing a saint. The poor 
fellow's responsibility for her death was really 
not greater than that of the fagots and the 
flames which had destroyed her life. On Cau- 
chon and his gang of judges, lay and clerical 
— on the University of Paris and the Catho- 
lic Church — on Winchester and the English, 
noble and simple, who had sold and bought 
the glorious Maid, the crime of her martyrdom 
will ever rest, and surely no other crime but 
one in the world's history can be paralleled 
with it. 



npWENTY years after the events which I 
-*- have attempted to describe, an act of tardy 
justice was accorded to Joan of Arc. Charles 
VII. at length felt it necessary, more for his 
own interest than for any care of the memory 
of Joan of Arc, to have a revision made of the 
iniquitous condemnation of the heroine. 

This King, even if unable to rescue the 
Maid of Orleans from her captors, might at 
least have attempted her release, yet during 
all the time — over a year — of her imprison- 
ment he had not even made a sign in her 

There does not exist in the documents of 
the time a trace of any negotiation, of the 
smallest offer made to obtain her exchange by 
prisoners or by ransom, or of any wish to 
effect her release. But Charles was anxious 
on his own account, when France had almost 
wholly been gained back to its allegiance, that 
his coronation at Rheims should not be im- 
puted to the actions and to the aid of one 
whom the Fi-ench clergy and the French judges 
had condemned and executed as a heretic and 


apostate. Hence the vast judicial inquiry set on 
foot by the King to vindicate the fame of her 
whom the English and the Anglo-French had 
hoped, through the condemnation pronounced by 
Cauchon in the name of the Church, to vilify, 
and through her, by her trial, condemnation, and 
death, to discredit Charles and his coronation. 

On the 15th of February, 1450, Charles 
VII. declared that Joan of Arc's enemies had 
destroyed her ' against reason ' — so ran the for- 
mula — 'and very cruelly,' and that it was his, 
the King's, intention ' to obtain the truth re- 
ofardinar this affair.' 

Pope Nicolas V. made difficulties. Cardinal 
d'Estouteville, who had undertaken to manage 
the process of rehabilitation, presented the Pope 
with a claim for a revision of the sentence 
of condemnation in the name of Joan of Arc's 
mother and of her two brothers. The peti- 
tion ran thus : ' The brothers, mother, and 
relations of Joan, anxious that her memory and 
their own should be cleansed from this un- 
merited disgrace, demand that the sentence of 
condemnation that was given at Rouen shall be 
annulled.' Not, however, until the death of Pope 
Nicolas v., and the accession of Calixtus III., 
was anything further done. 

The new Pope (Alfonso Borgia) did not 
hesitate as to the line he intended taking in 
the matter, and he gave his sanction to the 
rehabilitation of the heroine by a rescript dated 
the nth of June, 1455. It was as follows: — 

' We, Calixtus, servant of the servants of 


God, accord a favourable ear to the request 
which has been made us. There has lately 
been brought before us on the part of Peter 
and John of Arc, also of Isabella of Arc, their 
mother, and some of their relations, a petition 
stating that their sister, daughter, and relative, 
Joan of Arc deceased, had been unjustly con- 
demned as guilty of the crime of heresy and 
other crimes against the Faith, on the false 
testimony of the late William [John, it should 
be] d'Estivet of the Episcopal Court of Beau- 
vais, and of Peter of happy memory, at that 
time Bishop of Beauvais, and of the late 
John Lemaitre, belonging to the Inquisition. 
The nullity of their proceedings and the inno- 
cence of Joan are clearly established both by 
documents and further by clearest proofs. In 
consequence of this, the brothers, mother, and 
relatives of Joan are therefore at liberty to cast 
off the mark of infamy with which this trial 
has falsely stamped them ; and thus they have 
humbly supplicated our permission to authorise 
and to proceed in this trial of rehabilitation,' 

The prelates selected by the Pope as com- 
missioners to follow the course of the trial of 
rehabilitation were John Jouvenel des Ursins, 
Archbishop of Rheims, William Chartrier, Bishop 
of Paris, and Richard de Longueil, Bishop of 
Coutances. On the 7th of November, 1455, 
this trial was solemnly begun in the Church of 
Notre Dame, in Paris. 

It has been said that Joan of Arc's father 
died of grief on hearing of his daughter's 


martyrdom. He was certainly dead before the 
date of this trial. However, the now aged 
mother of Joan of Arc, Isabella Rom^e d'Arc, 
in her sixty-seventh year, was there. She was 
supported by her two sons, John and Peter, and 
was accompanied by many of her relations from 
Vaucouleurs, and friends from Orleans. The 
poor soul appears to have been much affected 
when she appeared before the sympathetic 
crowd. Many of those present must have come 
from far to see the mother of the famous hero- 
ine claiming at the hands of the Church the 
vindication of her daughter's fame. 

Two meetings took place at Notre Dame, 
and a third was held at Rouen, at which the 
family of Joan of Arc were unable to be 
present — the mother from illness, and the 
brothers by affairs at home. The Procureiir, 
whose name was Prdvosteau, was the advocate 
for the Arc family. The debates lasted all 
through the winter, and into the early part of 
the year 1456. During the debates a hun- 
dred articles were drawn up and agreed to, 
relating to the life, death, and trial of the 
heroine. None of these are of much impor- 
tance or interest. 

It was not until the witnesses of Joan of 
Arc's life at home, and of her actions abroad, 
gave their testimony that the debates became 
interesting. Then began to pass before the 
eyes of the spectators a succession of people 
who had known Joan of Arc, and who had 
taken part in the same actions as those of the 


Maid— peasants from her native village, towns- 
■ folk from Orleans, generals and soldiers who 
had ridden with her into battle and fought by 
her side. 

In fact, here appeared all sorts and condi- 
tions of men, from farm labourers to princes 
of the blood royal. The testimony of these 
people helps one to follow the life of Joan of 
Arc throughout its short career with something 
like precision. The sittings of the commis- 
sioners took place at Paris, Orleans, Rouen, 
and also at Domremy. It may be said without 
exaggeration that the whole of France and all 
its classes seemed, after an interval of a quarter 
of a century, to raise its voice in honour of 
the memory of its martyr Maid, and to attest 
to the spotless and noble life of her country's 

At Domremy, at Vaucouleurs, and at Toul, 
thirty-four witnesses were heard on the 28th of 
January and on the nth of February, 1456. 
At Orleans, during the months of February 
and of March, forty-one depositions were col- 
lected by the Archbishop of Rheims. 

In Paris, in April and May, the same pre- 
late, assisted by the Bishop of Paris, heard the 
evidence of twenty witnesses. At Rouen, the 
same commission heard nineteen others. Fin- 
ally, at Lyons, the deposition of Joan of Arc's 
esquire, d'Aulon, who had attended her through- 
out her campaigns, was made before the Vice- 
Inquisitor of that province, John Despres. 

All these depositions are recorded in Latin, 



the only exception being that of d'Aulon, which 
was taken down in French. All those written 
in Latin have been translated into French by 
M. Fabre, and published in his Proces de Re- 
habilitation de Jeanne d' Arc. 

Among the witnesses first appear the friends 
and neighbours of Joan of Arc in her childhood 
and early years. From her birthplace came her 
greatest friends, Henriette, Mengette, and Isa- 
bellette. The first of these, in the year 1456, 
was aged forty-five, the second was a year 
older, and the third was in her fiftieth year. 
All three were the wives of labourers. Henri- 
ette was married to Gerard, Mengette to John 
Joyart, and Isabellette to Gerardin d'Epinal. 
To the child of the last Joan had stood god- 
mother. Next came from the same village 
three older women, all three being god-mothers 
to Joan. In those days the French peasantry 
seem to have had an almost unlimited number 
of god-fathers and god-mothers. These were 
named Jeannette, widow of Th^pelin de Viteau, 
aged sixty; Jeannette Thdverien, aged sixty-six; 
and Beatrix, widow of d'Estelin, a labourer of 
Domremy, then in her eightieth year. 

After these three god-mothers, came to give 
their evidence her god-fathers. Four of these 
appear — John Rainguesson, John Barrey, John 
de Langart, and John Morel de Greux. Of 
these four god-fathers, only the last one seems 
to have been called to give evidence ; he 
was in his seventieth year. Gerardin d'Epinal, 
husband of one of the god-mothers, also gave 


his evidence ; it was his son Nicolas for 
whom Joan of Arc had stood sponsor. In 
those days it was held that the god-mother 
of a child stood to it in the relation of a 
second mother : hence originated the term of 
'commere' and 'compere,' which Joan gave the 

Six labourers, who had been playmates with 
Joan in childhood, then came forward. These 
men, named respectively Le Cuin, Guillemeth, 
Waterin, Colin, Masnier, and Jacquard, were 
between the ages of forty-four and fifty. All 
these humbly born witnesses agreed in their 
answers to the twelve questions asked them 
in the following order : — 

1. When and where was Joan born? 

2. Who were her parents ? Were they of 

good character and of good repute ? 

3. Who were her god-fathers ? 

4. Was she piously brought up? 

5. How did she conduct herself between 

her seventh year up to the time she 
left her home? 

6. Did she often frequent the churches and 

places of devotion of her free-will? 

7. How did she occupy herself, and what 

were her duties ? 

8. Did she confess often? 

9. Did she frequent the fairies' tree and 

the haunted well, and did she go to 
places with the other young people of 
the neighbourhood? 


10. How did she leave her home, and how 

did she accomplish her journey ? 

11. Were any investigations made in her 

native country at the time she was 
taken prisoner ? 

12. Did Joan on one occasion escape to 

Neufchateau on account of a military 
raid, and was she then in the com- 
pany of her parents ? 

We now arrive at a higher grade in the 
ranks of the witnesses, in the shape of 'I'hon- 
orable homme Nicolas Bailly.' Bailly was a 
man of sixty ; he had been employed by the 
English in 1430, and by Cauchon — he was a 
scrivener {tabellioii) by profession — to make in- 
vestigations into the character of Joan in her 
native place. 

Then came the old bell-ringer of Joan of 
Arc's village — Perrin le Brassier, aged sixty. 
He told how the maiden loved the sound of 
the church bells, and how she would blame 
him when he neglected ringing them, and of 
her little gifts to him to make him more diligent 
in his office. After the bell-ringer came three 
priests — all belonging to the neighbourhood of 
Domremy. The first — namely, the ' discrete 
personne Messire Henri Arnolin' — belonged 
to Gondrecourt-le-Chiteau, near to Commercy, 
and was sixty-four. The next is the 'v^ndrable 
personne Messire Etienne de Sionne,' curate 
of the parish church at Raucessey- sous -Neuf- 
chateau, aged fifty-four ; and the third was 


named Dominic Jocab, curate of the parish 
church of Moutier-sur-Saulx. 

Next came an old peasant from Domremy, 
named Bertrand Laclopssd, a thatcher by pro- 
fession, ninety years of age ; after him three 
neighbours of Joan's father — Thevenin le Royer, 
seventy years old ; Jacquier, sixty ; and John 
Moen, wheelwright, fifty-six. But a far more 
important witness than any of the preceding 
three-and-twenty was the uncle of the heroine, 
Durand Laxart, farm labourer at Burey-le-Petit, 
whom, it will be remembered, Joan first took 
into her confidence regarding her voices and 
her mission. Laxart was then in his sixtieth 
year. At the close of his evidence he states 
that all he had said regarding his niece he had 
also told Charles VII. — probably at the time of 
the coronation, for Laxart was then at Rheims. 
Laxart was followed by the couple with whom 
Joan of Arc lodged when living at Vaucou- 
leurs, Henry and Joan le Royer (or le Charron). 
After this worthy pair appeared the two brave 
knights who had guarded the Maid of Orleans 
during her perilous journey to Chinon — John de 
Novelem-hont, commonly called John de Metz, 
aged fifty-seven, and the other, named Bertrand 
de Poulangy — one of the King's esquires — aged 

Three other knights were heard after them 
— namely, Albert d'Ourche, from Ourche, near 
Commercy, aged sixty ; Geoffrey du Fay, aged 
fifty ; and Louis de Martigny, living at Martigny- 
les-Gerboneaux, a village near Neufchateau, aged 


fifty-four. These were followed by two curates 
and a sergeant. ' Discrete personne Messire Jean 
le Fumeux,' of Vaucouleurs, canon of the Church 
of Sainte Marie in that village, also curate of the 
parish church of d'Ugny, aged only thirty-eight, 
was, as he admitted, a mere child when Joan 
of Arc came to Vaucouleurs ; but he remembered 
distinctly having seen her praying in the church 
at Vaucouleurs, and kneeling for a long time in 
the subterranean chapel of Sainte Marie's Church 
before an image of the Blessed Virgin. 

The other priest, named John Colin, was the 
curate of the parish church of Domremy, and a 
canon of the collegiate church of Saint Nicolas 
de Brixey, near Vaucouleurs. His age was sixty- 
six. The last of these thirty-four witnesses was 
the sergeant, Guillot Jacquier, aged thirty-six : 
why he was called as a witness does not appear. 
As a child he had heard Joan of Arc spoken of 
as ' une brave fille, de bonne renommde, et de 
conduite honnete,' which opinion was the general 
one given in their evidence by all the other 
witnesses, whose names only we have been able 
to give. 

Relating to the period in the life of the 
heroine between the time of the King's corona- 
tion and that of her capture, the facts told by 
the various persons examined are few and far 
between. In the trial for the rehabilitation of 
the Maid of Orleans, the story of her deeds in 
the field was not of much importance to the 
commissioners. What they principally desired to 
ascertain was the fact that no taint of heresy 


could attach to the Hfe of the heroine. It was 
for this reason that all those persons who could 
throw any light upon Joan's early days and the 
actions of her childhood had been collected to 
give their evidence. We now come to those 
witnesses who were examined regarding the 
life of Joan of Arc after her interview with the 
King at Chinon and about the stirring events 
which immediately followed that interview. The 
first of these is the ' nobile et savant homme 
Messire Simon Charles,' Master of the Requests 
[Mattre des requites) in the year 1429. He 
had been president of the State exchequer in 
1456, and was aged sixty. Simon's evidence is of 
interest and importance both as regards Joan of 
Arc's arrival at Chinon, and also with respect 
to the siege of Orleans and the triumphant 
entry into Rheims. The next witness was one 
of the clergy who examined Joan when at 
Poitiers ; this was a preaching friar from Li- 
mousin who had asked Joan of Arc in what 
language her saints spoke to her, and had been 
answered by 'In a better language than yours ' 
— for this good friar, whose name was Brother 
Sequier, spoke with a strong Limousin accent. 
When he was giving his evidence before the 
commission (in 1456) he was an old man in his 
seventy-third year, and head of the theological 
college of Poitiers. 

Next to him came the evidence given by 
the 'vdn^rable et savant homme Maitre Jean 
Barbier, docteur es lois.' Barbier was King's- 
Advocate in the House of Parliament, and had 


also been one of the judges at Joan of Arc's 
examination at Poitiers : he was aged fifty. 
Barbier had been at Loches when the people 
threw themselves before Joan of Arc's horse, and 
embraced the heroine's feet and hands. Barbier 
reproved her for allowing them to do so. He 
told her that if she permitted them to act thus 
it would render them idolatrous in their wor- 
ship of her, to which reprimand Joan answered, 
' Indeed, without God's help I could not pre- 
vent them from becoming so.' 

Another of the Poitiers witnesses was Go- 
bert Thibault, also aged fifty. This Thibault 
had been at Chinon when Joan arrived there, 
and had followed her to Orleans. Among 
these Poitiers witnesses was Francis Garivel, 
aged forty. Garivel, when a lad of fifteen, had 
seen Joan at Poitiers, and he remembered that 
on her being asked why she styled Charles 
Dauphin, and not by his kingly title, she 
replied that she could not give him his regal 
title until he had been crowned and anointed 
at Rheims. 

The collected testimony of the above wit- 
nesses, whose evidence covers the time passed 
by Joan at Poitiers, was submitted to Charles 
VII., and the MSS. exist in the National 
Library in Paris. It has been edited by the 
historians Bachon and Quicherat, and trans- 
lated from the Latin into French by Fabre. 

The next batch of witnesses' evidence con- 
cerns the fighting period of Joan of Arc's life, 
and consists principally of the testimony given 


by her companions In her different campaigns, 
and this appears to us by far the most Interest- 
ing and curious. 

Of those witnesses the first to testify was 
a prince of the blood, Joan of Arcs 'beau 
Due,' as she loved to call John, Duke of 
Alengon. He is thus styled In the original 
document : 'Illuslris ac potentissimus princeps 
et dominus.' 

Alenqon came of a truly noble line of an- 
cestors, and was descended also from brave 
warriors. His great-grandfather fell at Crecy, 
leading the vanguard of the French host. His 
grandfather was the companion-In-arms of the 
great Du Guesclln. His father, on the field 
of Agincourt, after having wounded the Duke 
of York and stricken him to the ground, 
crossed swords with King Harry, and then, 
overwhelmed by numbers, had fallen under a 
rain of blows. 

With Dunois (Bastard of Orleans) Alengon 
is one of the most prominent of the French 
leaders who appear In Shakespeare's play, In 
the first part of Henry VI. Duke John, like 
his Illustrious forebears, had also fought and 
bled for his country. His first campaign was 
made when he was but eighteen. Alen9on 
first saw Joan of Arc in 1429. A strong 
mutual regard sprang up between the prince 
and the Maid of Domremy. Alen^on had 
wedded the daughter of the Duke of Orleans, 
and It was to her that the heroine, when she 
left with the Duke for their expedition against 


Paris, promised to bring back her husband in 

No one had seen more of Joan of Arc 
during those days of fighting than had Alengon, 
and no one bore a higher testimony than did 
the Duke to her purity, her courage, and the 
sublime simplicity of her character. It was the 
Duke of Alengon who was especially struck 
with the skill shown by the heroine in war- 
like matters ; particularly in her science in the 
management of artillery — ridiculously rude as 
that branch of the service appears to us. 

'Everybody,' Alenqon says, 'was amazed to 
see that in all that appertained to warfare she 
acted with as much knowledge and capacity as 
if she had been twenty or thirty years trained 
in the art of war.' 

Next to Alenqon's evidence came that of 
the famous Bastard of Orleans, the Count de 
Dunois, one of the most engaging and sym- 
pathetic figures of the whole age of chivalry. 
John of Orleans was the natural son of the 
Duke of Orleans, and, as Fabre says of him, 
he 'glorified the appellation of Bastard.' In- 
deed, the Bastard's name deserves to be handed 
down in his country's annals with as much 
glory as that of his great English rival and 
foe, Talbot, in those of the English. He was 
a consummate soldier, who even at the early 
age of twenty-three had brilliantly distinguished 
himself, and he lived to liberate Normandy and 
Guyenne from the English. 

Well may M. Fabre, in his book on the 


rehabilitation of Joan of Arc, express his regret 
that Dunois' evidence was not set forth in the 
language in which it was delivered, and that it 
has come down to us weakened by translation 
into Latin. What is worse is that we have only 
the translation of a translation. 

Dunois had, besides his high military reputa- 
tion, that of being skilled in oratory. There is, 
however, in the translation more than a trace 
of the enthusiasm with which Dunois speaks of 
the deeds of the heroic maiden. Dunois, Bas- 
tard of Orleans as he is always called, bore 
the following titles, as recited by the chroni- 
cler : ' I'illustrieuse prince Jean Comte de Dunois 
et de Longueville, lieutenant-general de notre 
seigneur le roi.' He was fifty-one years old in 
the month of February, 1456. His deposition 
extends over the entire period of the life of 
Joan of Arc between the time of her arrival 
before Orleans and the period of the King's 

Dunois' evidence closes thus : — ' To conclude, 
it was habitual to Joan to speak playfully on 
matters relating to war, in order to cheer the 
soldiers, and she may have alluded to many 
military events which never were to take place. 
But I declare that, when she spoke seriously 
about the war, of her deeds, and of her voca- 
tion, she said her work was limited to raising 
the siege of Orleans, to succouring the unhappy 
people shut up in that town and in its suburbs, 
and to leading the King to Rheims for his 
coronation and anointing.' 


Next we have the testimony of the noble 
knight, Raoul de Gaucourt, who had so stoutly 
defended Orleans during its long siege. De 
Gaucourt was eighty-five years old. This fine 
old warrior's evidence confirms all that Dunois 
had said in praise of Joan of Arc. 

The next to appear was the heroine's page, 
Louis de Contes, aged fifteen when appointed 
to attend on Joan of Arc : at the time of the 
trial of her rehabilitation he was forty-two. 

Next came a very interesting witness, to wit, 
Joan of Arc's almoner, ' v^ndrable et religieux 
personne Jean Pasquerel.' This worthy priest 
had been formerly in a Tours monastery. We 
do not find his age given at this time. The 
clear graphic testimony of this good man is a 
pleasure to read. His love and admiration for 
the heroine appear in every line of his testi- 
mony, and although this narrative is already too 
long, it will not perhaps be considered tedious if 
some of his evidence is quoted. 

'When I first had tidings,' he says, 'of Joan 
of Arc and of her arrival at Court, I was at Puy, 
where at that time were her mother and some 
people who had accompanied her to Chinon. 
Having come to me, they said, " You must come 
with us and see Joan ; we will not allow you to 
leave us until you have seen her." So I went 
with them to Chinon, and also to Tours. At 
that time I was reader in a convent in that town. 
When she came to Tours, Joan lived in the 
house of John Dupuy, a burgher of that place. 
It was there that I first met her. "Joan," they 


said to her, "we have brought this good father 
to see you. When you know him well you will 
like him very much." And Joan answered them 
and said, " The good father pleases me much ; I 
have heard about him already, and I will make 
my confession to him to-morrow." 

' And I heard her confession on the day fol- 
lowing, when I also sang the Mass before her. 
Since that I have always followed Joan, and I 
remained her chaplain till the time of her capture 
at Compiegne.' 

It was in this good priest's evidence that 
the touching trait of Joan of Arc's fondness for 
gathering children about her was made known. 
'She confessed nearly every day,' he said, 'and 
took the Sacrament often. When near any com- 
munity of begging friars she asked me to remind 
her of the days on which the beggar children 
received the Eucharist, so that she might receive 
it at the same time with them. It was her de- 
light,' he said, 'to take the Sacrament along 
with the poor mendicant children. She shed 
tears often at confession.' 

Later on in his evidence Pasquerel adds to 
the above, 'that often at night I have seen 
her kneeling, praying for her King and for 
the success of her mission. I certainly,' he 
said, ' firmly believed in the divine source of 
her mission, for she was always engaged in 
good works, and she was full of every good 
quality. During a campaign when provisions 
ran short Joan would never take that which 
had been gained by pillage. To the wounded 


she was ever pitiful — to the English as well as 
to those of her own country, and she always 
tried to get them to make their confession, 
if badly, and even if only slightly, wounded. 
The fear of God was ever before her, nor 
would she for anything in the world do any- 
thing which she considered contrary to His 
will : for instance, when she was wounded in 
the shoulder by the dart from a crossbow, 
when some people wished her to allow the 
wound to be charmed, promising that if she 
had it done her hurt would be healed, Joan 
said that to do so would be a sin, and that 
she would sooner die than commit one. 

' I am greatly surprised,' continued the unso- 
phisticated old priest, ' that such great lawyers 
{^grands clercs) as were those at Rouen could 
have sentenced Joan to death. How could they 
put to death that poor child, who was such a 
good and such a simple Christian, and that 
too, so cruelly, without a reason — for surely 
they had not sufficient reason at any rate to 
kill her!' 

Pasquerel could evidently not grasp the real 
reason for the part played by Cauchon in the 
execution of the Maid of Orleans, or imagine 
that in order to obtain an archbishopric his 
beloved Joan had been condemned by the 
Bishop of Beauvais to the flames. Pasquerel's 
evidence ends thus : — 

' I have nothing more to add except this. 
On several occasions Joan told me that if she 
were to die, she hoped our lord the King 


would found chantries in which the Almighty 
might be entreated in intercession for the souls 
of those who had been slain in the defence 
of the kingdom.' 

The next witness is John d'Aulon, knight, 
Seneschal of Beaucaire, member of the King's 
Council. It was he who had served Joan of 
Arc as esquire during all her campaigns. His 
evidence is of importance, as it proves clearly 
the grounds on which the trial of rehabilitation 
was held — namely, to clear the King of having 
been crowned and anointed through the agency 
of one condemned by the Church as an apos- 
tate and heretic. The Archbishop thus wrote 
to d'Aulon on the 20th of April, 1456 : — 

' By the sentence pronounced against Joan 
the English wish it to be believed that the 
Maid was a sorceress, a heretic, and in league 
with the devil, and therefore that the King had 
received his kingdom by those means ; and 
thus they hold as heretics the King and those 
that have served him.' 

Nothing- can be clearer than this declaration, 
or show better the real object for which that 
utterly selfish prince, Charles VII., had, after 
the lapse of a quarter of a century since the 
death of Joan of Arc, instituted these proceed- 
ings — not at all in order to do honour to the 
heroine's memory, but in order that his position 
as King of France should not be tainted with 
the heresy which had been charged to the 
account of Joan by and through the clergy and 
French doctors of theology and learning. 


D'Aulon's evidence is one of the most com- 
plete of the entire set of testimonies. It was 
given, not at Rouen, but at Lyons, in 1456, 
before the Vice-Inquisitor, John Despres. 

His depositions are remarkable in this, that, 
unlike those of the other witnesses, they are re- 
corded in French, and not in Latin. 

Next to d'Aulon succeeds, in the chain of 
witnesses, Simon Beaucroix, aged fifty. Simon 
was a youth at Chinon when Joan of Arc came 
there. Beaucroix's evidence is followed by that 
of John Luillier, a citizen of Orleans. He bore 
evidence to the immense popularity of the Maid 
during- and after the siege of Orleans. At the 
time of the trial of rehabilitation Luillier was 
fifty. To the part played by the Maid at the 
siege of his native town he speaks thus : — 

' As to the question you put me, whether 
I think the siege of Orleans was raised and 
the town saved from the enemy by the inter- 
vention and the ministration {jninistere) of the 
Maid, even more than by the force of arms, 
this is my answer : All my fellow citizens, as 
well as I myself, believe that had the Maid not 
come there by the will of God to our rescue, 
we should very soon, both town and people, 
have been in the power of the besiegers. It is 
my belief,' he adds, 'that it was impossible for 
the people of Orleans and for the army pre- 
sent at Orleans to have held out much longer 
against the superior strength of the enemy.' 

More people from Orleans next gave their 
evidence : viz. William le Charron, John Volant^ 


William Postian, Denis Roger, James de Thou, 
John Canelier, Aignan de Saint-Mesmin, John 
Hilaire, Jacques I'Esbalny, Cosmd de Commy, 
John de Champcoux, Peter Hue, Peter Jon- 
qualt, John Aubert, William Rouillart, Gentien 
Cabu, Peter Vaillant, John Beaucharnys, John 
Coulon. All these men were burghers of the 
town, and their ages varied between forty and 
seventy. All agreed with Luillier in their belief 
that, under God, it was Joan of Arc who rescued 
their city from the English. 

Following these men we now come to the 
evidence of some of the women who had seen 
or known the heroine. First of these is Joan, 
wife of Gilles de Saint-Mesmin, aged seventy. 
She says : ' The general opinion was and is still 
at Orleans that Joan was a good Catholic — 
simple, humble, and of a holy life.' Such, too, 
is the opinion of Joan, the wife of Guy Boyleau, 
and of Guillemette, wife of John de Coulon ; 
also of the widow of John de Mouchy. All 
these agree with the first lady's testimony. 

We have next the evidence of the daughter 
of James Boucher, the treasurer of Orleans, at 
whose house Joan of Arc lodged while In Or- 
leans. Charlotte Boucher had married William 
Houet. When her deposition was taken in 1456 
she was thirty-six years old, and consequently 
only nine when Joan lodged at her father's 
house. However, young as she was then, the 
visit of the Maid had left a great memory be- 
hind ; she had been Joan's bed-fellow. 

'Often,' she says, 'Joan said to my mother, 



" Hope in God, for He will deliver the town of 
Orleans, and drive the enemy away." ' 

And last we find the evidence of two good 
wives of Orleans, one widow of John Hurd, the 
other Petronill^, wife of Beaucharnys. After these 
came six clerics, canons of the Church of Saint 
Aignan at Orleans — Robert de Farciaux, Peter 
Compaing, Peter de la Censurey, Raoul Godert, 
Herv^ Bonart, and Andr^ Bordez. Peter Milet 
and his wife, Colette, were also witnesses. All 
had known Joan when she was at Orleans, as 
had Aignan Viole, an advocate of Parliament, 
who had been in Orleans during the siege. 

The ' noble homme Guillaume de Richarville, 
panetier de la cour,' gave his evidence, relating 
to Joan of Arc's appearance at Court, as also 
did an old Court physician named Reginald 
Thierry ; it is he who relates how, at the cap- 
ture of Saint Pierre-le-Moutier, Joan prevented 
its church from being pillaged. 

A doughty warrior follows, namely, 'noble et 
prudent Seigneur le chevalier Thibauld d'Ar- 
magnac. Sire de Thermes, Bailli de Chartres.' 
D'Armagnac was fifty years old ; he had followed 
Joan of Arc all through her campaign, and, like 
Alen9on, had a very high opinion of her military 
talents. At the close of his evidence, he says : 
' In the manner of the conduct and ordering of 
troops, in that of placing them in battle array, and 
of animating the men, Joan of Arc had as much 
capacity for these things as the most accom- 
plished captain in the art of war.' 

After the soldier, the peasant. This peasant. 


or rather mechanic, is a coppersmith named 
Husson Lemaitre. Lemaitre hailed from Dom- 
remy. Being in the year 1456 at Rouen, he 
then and there gave his evidence. He had 
known Joan of Arc's family, and Joan too in 
her childhood ; of all of them he spoke most 

Next comes ' honn^te et prude femme de- 
moiselle Marguerite la Tournelle,' the widow of 
Rene de Bouligny. It was at her house at 
Bourges that Joan lodged after the coronation 
at Rheims. 

We now pass to an entirely different cate- 
gory of witnesses. These are the men who 
sat in the trial of the heroine. One can well 
understand the embarrassment shown by such 
folk in their replies to the questions they had 
to answer, and their wish if it were possible to 
turn the responsibility of their previous judg- 
ment on the heads of those who were no long-er 
in this world to answer the charges made against 

The first of these men is ' v^ndrable et 
savante personne Maitre Thomas de Courcelles.' 
De Courcelles was only fifty-six in 1456, when 
called on to make his deposition as to the part 
he had played in the heroine's trial at Rouen, 
five-and- twenty years before. His evidence is 
full of the feeblest argument, and his memory 
appears to have been a very convenient one, 
as he repeatedly evades an answer by the plea 
of having forgotten all about the incident al- 
luded to. 


Next follows that ' v^ndrable et circonspecte 
personne, Maitre Jean Beaupere ' — a doctor of 
theology, and canon of Rouen, Paris, and Be- 
sangon. This circumspect person was now in 
his seventieth year. He laid most of the blame 
of Joan of Arc's death upon the English, and 
the rest on Cauchon. The English being away, 
and Cauchon dead, the circumspection of this 
doctor's evidence is evident. 

We next have that of the Bishop of Noyon, 
John de Mailly. This bishop had been in the 
service , of the English King, but had, when 
Charles became prosperous, returned to him. 
In 1456 he was aged sixty. An intimate of 
the Prince Cardinal of Winchester, and one of 
the foremost of the judges who condemned Joan 
of Arc to death, his deposition in 1456 is quite 
a study in the art of trying to convince people 
that black is white. He had shown some kind 
of feeling of humanity at the time of the mar- 
tyrdom of the Maid, and had left that scene 
of horror early. To the memory of his old 
friend and colleague, Cauchon, he gives a part- 
ing kick by saying at the close of his ex- 
amination that of one thing he was quite 
certain, and that was that Cauchon received 
money for the conduct of the trial from his 
friends, the English. But he might have now 
been reminded that he too had received some 
of this blood-money. 

Next to appear is another French bishop, 
Monseigneur Jean Le Fevre, Eveque in partibus 
de D^metriade. This prelate was in his seven- 


tieth year. At the time of Joan of Arc's trial 
he was professor of theology of the order of 
hermit monks of Saint Augustins. The Bishop 
had taken an active part in the trial and con- 
demnation. Like his brother bishop, Le Fevre 
enjoyed a very convenient memory, and had 
quite forgotten many things of importance which 
occurred during the trial in 1430. Nor did he 
even take part as a spectator in the martyrdom 
which he had helped to bring about — ' I left 
before the end,' he said, 'not feeling the strength 
to see more.' Let that shred of humanity in 
the composition of priests like him be allowed 
before we entirely condemn them. 

The next witness is also a Churchman, Peter 
Migiet, the prior of Longueville, aged seventy. 
He also had been one of Cauchon's crawling 
creatures. There is little of interest in his evi- 
dence, except the passage where he says that an 
English knight had told him that the English 
feared Joan of Arc more than a hundred soldiers, 
and that her very name was a source of terror 
to the foe. Although this sounds an exaggerated 
statement, it is not so, as is proved by an edict 
having been issued by the English Government 
in the May of 1430, in which English officers and 
soldiers who refused to enter France for fear of 
' the enchantments of the Maid ' were threatened 
with severe punishment. There is, moreover, 
an edict, bearing the date of December 1430, 
which was also issued by the English military 
authorities, describing the trial and the punish- 
ment by court martial of all soldiers who had 


deserted the army in France from fear of Joan 
of Arc. 

After the above priests, on whom rests the 
infamy of having taken part in the death of the 
heroine, it is a relief to find the next witness, 
although a Churchman, a man of sufficient hon- 
esty and courage to have been one of those few 
who refused to take any part in the iniquitous 
proceedings connected with Joan of Arc's trial, 
and who suffered imprisonment owing to his 
unwillingness to carry out Cauchon's wishes. 
This worthy priest was named Nicolas de 
Houppeville, a doctor of theology, now in his 
sixty-fifth year. 

The next witness is John Tiphanie, a canon 
of the Sainte Chapelle of Paris. He was also 
a doctor in medicine. Tiphanie had been com- 
pelled much against his inclination to take part 
in the trial of Joan. He was one of the doctors 
who were sent to see her when she lay ill in 

Then follows another doctor ; this is William 
Delachambre, aged only forty-eight in 1456. He 
must have practised his vocation at a very early 
age. Delachambre had also joined in the trial 
of the Maid, from fear of Cauchon. His evi- 
dence relating to the scene at Saint Ouen is 

'I remember well,' he says, 'the abjuration 
which Joan of Arc made. She hesitated a long 
while before she made it. At length William 
Erard determined her to make it by telling her 
that, when she had made it, she should be 


delivered from her prison. Under this promise 
she at length decided to do so, and she then 
read a short profession of some six or seven 
lines written on a piece of folded paper. I was 
so near that I could see the writing on the 

We next come to the witness whose evidence 
is, next to that of Dunois, of the greatest impor- 
tance ; it is that of the Recorder, or judges' 
clerk, William Manchon. Born in 1395, he was 
sixty-one years of age when the rehabilitation 
trial took place. Manchon's evidence takes up 
thirty pages in M. Fabre's work, already often 
referred \.o—Le Proces de Rehabilitation de Jeanne 
d'Arc. Much against his will was Manchon ob- 
liged to act in the trial of the Maid, but he 
did not dare disobey the orders of those who 
formed the Council of Henry VI. All that he 
deposed has been made use of in the account 
of the heroine's life ; so now we need do no 
more than refer to it. The other Recorder who 
helped Manchon to draw up the minutes of the 
trial was also examined ; this was William Colles, 
called Boisguillaume. He was in his sixty-sixth 
year. Colles relates that, after the execution, the 
people used to point out the author of Joan's 
death with horror — 'besides,' he adds, 'I have 
been told that the most prominent of those who 
took part in her condemnation died miserably. 
Nicolas Midi [who had preached the sermon 
on the day of her execution, and just before 
it took place] was stricken with leprosy, and 
Cauchon died suddenly, while being shaved.' 


A third Recorder was also examined, Nico- 
las Taquel. Then followed the priest Massieu. 
During the trial of Joan he had acted as bailiff 
to the Court, and in that capacity had seen 
much of the prisoner ; he had always conveyed 
her to and from her prison. It may be re- 
membered that it was he who, on Joan's peti- 
tion to be allowed to kneel before the chapel 
on her way to the hall of judgment, granted 
her request, and was threatened by Cauchon, 
should it again occur, to be thrown into prison 
where, as Cauchon said to him, he would 
not have ' the light of sun or moon.' Massieu 
remained till the end with Joan, and it is he 
who records that the executioner found, after 
the body had been destroyed, that the heart 
remained unconsumed. He also relates that 
the executioner was ordered to collect the 
ashes and all that remained, and to throw those 
few relics of humanity into the Seine, which 
was accordingly done. Martin Ladvenu followed 
Massieu. Ladvenu was a Dominican friar : he 
was one of the few priests who showed some 
humanity to the victim. It was to him that 
Joan of Arc confessed on the morning of her 
death, and it was also to him that the execu- 
tioner came on the night of the martyrdom, 
and said that no execution had ever affected 
him as that one had done. Next to arrive 
was Isambard de la Pierre, a Dominican priest. 
He had been an acolyte of the Vice- Inquisitor, 
Lemaitre ; he too, like Ladvenu, had shown 
sympathy with the sufferer, had given her 


advice during the trial, and had helped to 
soothe her last moments. De la Pierre states 
in his evidence regarding her supposed refusal 
to submit herself to the Church, that Joan of 
Arc, when she was told by her judges to 
submit herself, thought they meant themselves 
by the Church of which they spoke to her ; 
but when she was told by him what the Church 
really signified she always said she submitted 
herself to it and to the Pope. It was to 
Isambard de la Pierre that Joan begged for 
a cross when on the pile and about to die. 
' As I was close by the poor child,' he says, 
' she begged me humbly to go to the church 
close at hand and bring her a cross to hold up 
right before her eyes, till her death, so that 
the cross on which God hung might as long 
as she lived appear before her. She died a 
true and good Christian. In the midst of the 
flames she never ceased calling on the sacred 
name of Jesus, and invoking the aid of the 
saints in Paradise. When the fire was lit she 
begged me to get down from off the stake 
with my cross, but to hold it still before her, 
which I did. At last, bending down her head, 
with a strong voice calling on the name of 
Jesus, she gave up the ghost.' 

Yet another priest succeeds : this is ' vener- 
able et religieux personne, frere Jean Tout- 
mouilie,' of the order of the preaching friars 
of Rouen. Toutmouilld was quite a youth at 
the time of Joan of Arc's death. Another priest 
follows, William Daval, also one of the order 


of preaching friars, and belonging to the Church 
of Saint James at Rouen. He, too, had been, 
with Isambard, one of the acolytes of the Vice- 
Inquisitor. In his evidence, he tells of how, 
after Isambard had been advising Joan in her 
prison, he was met by Warwick, who threatened 
to have him thrown into the river if he con- 
tinued seeing the prisoner. 

We next have ' venerable et circonspecte 
personne Maitre Andre Marguerie ' ; this was 
one of Cauchon's most trusted creatures. His 
' dme damnde' Richard de Grouchet, canon of 
the collegiate Church of Sans Faye, is the next 
witness. There is nothing of any interest in 
the testimony of these Churchmen, nor in that 
of Nicolas Dubesert, another canon of Rouen, 
nor in that of Nicolas Caval. Next appears a 
prior, Thomas Marie, of the Church of Saint 
Michel, near Rouen. Four other ecclesiastics fol- 
low them — John Roquier, Peter Bouchier, John 
Bonnet, John de Lenozoles ; but none of these 
men's testimony is of any interest. The evi- 
dence of no less a person than the torturer 
is called next. He is named — to give him his 
titles in full — ' Honnete homme Mauger Les- 
sarmentrer, clerc non marier, appariteur de la 
cour archidpiscopalle de Rouen.' The name of 
the chief torturer of the good city of Rouen, 
Mauger, has a gruesome ring about it — it re- 
minds one of the headsman in Harrison Ains- 
worth's novel of the Toiver of London. Aged 
fifty-six in 1456, Mauger had seen Joan of Arc 
when she was brought into the yet extant tower 


of the castle, and threatened by Cauchon with 
the torture. 'We were,' deposed Mauger, 'my 
companion and myself,' ordered to go there to 
torture her. She was questioned, and she an- 
swered with much prudence, and so well, that 
every one was amazed. Finally, I and my 
companion left the tower without having laid 
hands upon her.' Mauger attended at the exe- 
cution, and this is what he heard and saw 
there and then. ' As soon as the Bishop (Cau- 
chon) had read the sentence, Joan was taken 
to the fire. I did not hear whether the civil 
judges delivered the sentence or not. Joan 
was placed instantly upon the fire. In the 
midst of the flames she called out more than 
six times the name of Jesus. It was when 
about to give the last breath that she called 
out with a loud voice, "Jesus!" so that every 
one could hear her. Nearly everybody wept, 
for all were overcome with pity.' 

After the torturer's witness came that of 
a soldier, Aimonde de Macy, who was thirty 
years old when he met Joan in the Castle of 
Beaurevoir ; she being then a prisoner in the 
charge of Ligny. 

De Macy was at Rouen at the time when 
Lord Stafford came so nearly stabbing the 
Maid in her prison, and was only prevented 
from that dastardly act by Warwick. 

We next hear the evidence of an attorney, 
Peter Daron : he had also seen Joan in her 
prison at Rouen, and had seen her die. 

Next we have 'prudent homme Maitre Jean 


Fave, maitre des requetes du roi Charles VII.': 
he, too, was present at the execution. 

Next appears upon the scene 'honnete per- 
sonne Laurent Guesdon,' clerk and advocate to 
the lay court of Rouen. He also had been 
present at the death of Joan of Arc, and, from 
his office as lieutenant of the Bailiff of Rouen, 
he held an important position at the execution ; 
and this is some of his evidence relating to 
it : 'I assisted at the last sermon preached at 
the old market-place. I had accompanied the 
Bailiff, being then his deputy. The sentence 
was read by which Joan was abandoned to the 
secular arm ; after that sentence had been pro- 
nounced the executioners seized her, before 
either the Bailiff or myself had time to read the 
sentence ; and she was led up to the stake — 
which was not as it should have been ordered.' 

Next arrive as witnesses two burghers of 
Rouen, Peter Cusquel and John Moreaux. Both 
of them had been spectators of the martyrdom, 
but they have nothing of interest to say about it. 
And finally — (and doubtless the reader will be 
glad to come to the end of this interminable 
procession, as is the writer) — comes the deposi- 
tion of John Marcel — ' bourgeois ' of Paris. Mar- 
cel had been in Rouen during the time of the 
Maid's trial, and was also present at the end 
of her life. M. Fabre, in concluding in his book 
the translation of the testimonies of the long list 
of witnesses given by him for the first time in 
full, makes a great point of the universal concur- 
rence of those who knew Joan of Arc as to her 


undoubted purity of person as well as of mind : 
that fact is of the greatest importance as re- 
garded the rehabilitation of the Maid of Orleans. 
That is a subject which it is not now necessary 
to do more than to allude to ; but to the French 
judges in the time of the trial of the rehabilita- 
tion, the fact of Joan of Arc being proved to 
have been incontestably a virgin was of the 
highest interest. It was reserved for a country- 
man of Joan of Arc's (Du Bellay) to invent a 
legend to disprove the fact ; and to the everlast- 
ing shame of French literature, Voltaire adopted 
the lying calumny in his licentious burlesque- 
heroic poem, La Pucelle d'Orldans. 

The sentence of rehabilitation which fills in 
the translation a dozen of M. Fabre's pages, 
was solemnly delivered in the great hall of the 
archiepiscopal palace at Rouen. On that occa- 
sion one of Joan of Arc's brothers, John, was 
present. The sentence which was framed to 
wipe away the iniquity of the judgment by 
which the heroine had been condemned, was 
delivered by the Archbishop of Rheims in the 
presence of a vast concourse of people, among 
whom were the Bishops of Paris and of Cou- 
tances. Among other things ordered to honour 
the memory of the Martyr, it was ordained that 
after a sefmon preached on the spot where the 
act of abjuration had taken place in the cemetery 
of the Church of Saint Ouen, and also on the 
site of the spot where had stood the stake and 
pyre, two crosses should be erected. 

Crosses were placed not only there, and in 


Rouen, but also on other spots. It is interest- 
ing to know that one of these crosses can still 
be seen in the Forest of Compiegne ; and it is 
traditionally said that this cross at Compiegne 
was placed there by no other than Dunois 
himself. Both the crosses at Rouen have 
disappeared centuries ago. Processions took 
place at Rouen, and all was done that the 
Church could do to wash out the indelible stain 
of its action four-and-twenty years before the 
time of the rehabilitation. In 1431, the clergy 
of France, to please the English, had in the 
name of orthodoxy, and with the tolerance of 
the Pope, denounced Joan of Arc as 'a heretic 
and idolatress.' In 1456, the same French 
clergy, to please Charles VII., in the name 
of religion and justice pronounced the memory 
of Joan of Arc free from all taint of heresy 
and of idolatry, and ordered processions and 
erected crosses in her honour to keep her 
memory fresh in the land. 



No. I. 


"T^VEN in France no thoroughly satisfactory 
-»— ^ history exists of Joan of Arc, although a 
large number of histories have been written. 
Following is an enumeration of the most im- 

As was natural while her countrymen were 
divided into two camps, those writers who be- 
longed to the side of the English attacked the 
heroine, or rather her mission, with ill-placed 
zeal. Of them Enguerrand de Monstrelet was 
the most eminent. 

Less well known chroniclers on the national 
side, such as Philip de Bergame, an Augus- 
tinian monk, on the other hand exaggerate the 
deeds of the Maid. None of these chroniclers' 
writings can be called histories of Joan of Arc. 
Nor in the following (the sixteenth) century, 
did such writers as Du Bellay and Haillon do 
more than allude to Joan of Arc ; the first in 
his Instructions sitr le fait de la guerre, and 
the second in his book on the Affaires de 


Haillon had written disparagingly of the 
heroine. It had the effect of raising the ire of 
that learned scribe William Postel, who wrote 
that the actions and renown of Joan of Arc 
were as necessary to maintain as the Bible 
itself With Postel the celebrated jurisconsult 
Stephen Pasquier was quite in accord, and in 
his work called Recherches sur la France, he 
writes that ' never had any one saved France so 
opportunely or so well as did this Maid.' In 
1576 a book was published by the magistrates 
of Orleans relating to the siege of their town, 
in which all honour was given to the heroine 
for the part she had taken in its delivery. In 
the preface to that book the following sentiment 
is expressed: — ^'It is a lamentable fact that the 
Maid, respected by all other nations, the English 
alone excepted, finds amongst her countrymen 
writings to injure her memory by people who 
are greater enemies to the honour of France 
than those who are strangers to that country.' 

It should be noted that . as early as the 
year 1534 the famous early chronicler Poly- 
dore Virgile, Italian by origin, wrote a volumin- 
ous history of England in twenty-six books, and 
treated the Maid's mission as one inspired by 
divine influence, severely blaming her judges 
for their inhuman conduct towards her. 

In 1 6 10 a book was published discussing 
the origin of the family of the Maid of Or- 
leans ; a work of little value. In 1612 one 
of the descendants of a brother of Joan of 
Arc — Charles du Lys — published a slight work 


called Traild sonnnaire sur le nom, les armes, 
la naissance el la parentd de la Pucelle et de 
ses freres. In that same year the first history 
of Joan of Arc was published, also by a de- 
scendant of one of her brothers, John Hordal. 
This book was in Latin ; it was entitled ' The 
History of Joan of Arc, that very noble hero- 
ine.' Soon after an elaborated work, based on 
this book, was produced by Edmond Richer, a 
doctor of theology in Paris. 

The next account of the Maid of any length 
occurs in Mdzarie's huge History of France, 
It was published between 1643 and 1652. In 
1 66 1 appeared a work called LHistoire du roi 
Charles VII., contenant les choses mdmorables 
de 1422 a 1466. It was in this work, which 
was compiled by Denis Godefroy, that the 
manuscripts of the Chronique de la Pucelle 
were first printed. This chronicle concerns the 
events which occurred between the years 1422 
and 1429. Although not a complete history 
of the heroine, it is the earliest account. It 
was republished by Buchon, by Petitot, and by 
Quicherat ; and it was consulted by Michelet 
when writing his account of Joan of Arc. M. 
Vallet de Viriville believes the Chronicle of the 
Maiden to have been written by G. Cousinot, 
Chancellor of the Duke of Orleans, who was 
present at the siege of Orleans. At the close 
of the seventeenth century was published a 
history of France by a Jesuit priest named 
David, in which there is some account of Joan 
of Arc ; but David's history is more remarkable 


for beinof a colossal list of falsehoods than 
for any other merit. 

We now arrive at the eighteenth century, 
and still find no tolerable history of Joan of 
Arc. In the year 1753 the Abb6 Longlet Du- 
fresnoy published a Life of Joan of Arc ; it 
is totally devoid of any merit. 

In 1790 element de I'Averdy published 
some notices relating to the trial and con- 
demnation of Joan of Arc. These notices 
led up to, and were followed by the publica- 
tions of Petitot, Buchon, Michaud, and Pou- 
goulat. At length, under the protection of the 
Society of French History, the learned author 
Quicherat produced his all - important works. 
That distinguished historian and antiquarian 
began his career under Charlet. In 1847 he 
was appointed Professor of Archaeology, and 
later, Director of the Institute of the Char- 
ters. Between 1841 and 1850 he edited the 
original documents relating to the trials of 
Joan of Arc — those of her condemnation and 
of her rehabilitation. Of these only a few 
extracts had previously been published by M. 
I'Averdy. The series edited by Quicherat 
consists of five bulky tomes. Although when 
Michelet was writing his history of France, 
Quicherat's work had not yet been published, 
the chronicler helped the historian by lending 
Michelet the MSS. he was then annotating. 

But to return to the earlier years of the 
century. In 18 17, Lebrun des Charnettes 
published a history of Joan of Arc in four 


volumes ; this history of the Maid was up to 
that time the best that had been written. In 
the same year there was published another 
history of the heroine by M. Berriat Saint- 
Prix. The best thing that work contains is 
an itinerary of the different places at which 
Joan of Arc passed the last three years of 
her short existence. It is a useful list for 
any one who wishes to visit the scenes con- 
nected with her wonderful history. 

The list commences with her flight to Neuf- 
chateau in 1428, and the journey to Toul, and 
continues as follows : — 



From Domremy to Burey-le-Petit, Vaucouleurs. Return 
to Domremy. 



From Domremy to Vaucouleurs, Toul, Nancy, Saint 
13th Return to Vaucouleurs, Saint Urbain, Auxerre. 


Gien, Sainte Catherine de Fierbois. 
6th Chinon, Le Coudray en Touraine, Poitiers. 


Chinon, Tours, Saint Florent-les-Saumur. 
2Sth Blois. 

28th Rully pres de Checy. 
29th Orleans. 



2nd Reconnaissance before Orleans. 
4th Sortie on the road of Blois. 
loth Return to Blois from Orleans. 
To Tours and Loches. 


4th Selles-en-Berri. 

6th Selles to Romorantin and Orleans, 

nth Jargeau. 

15th Meun-sur-Loire. 

1 6th Beaugency. 

1 8th Patay and Jauville. 

19th Orleans, Saint Benoit-sur-Loire. 

22nd Chateauneuf. 

24th Departure from Orleans for Gien. 

27th Departure from Gien in the direction of Montargis. 


I St Before Auxerre. 

2nd Saint Florentin. 

4th Saint Fal. 

5th Before Troyes. 

loth Entry into Troyes. 

14th Bussy. 

iSth Chalons-sur-Marne. 

1 6th Sept Saulx. 

1 6th Rheims. 

2 1 St Saint Marcoul de Corbeny. 

22 nd Vailly. 
23rd Soissons. 

29th Chateau Thierry. 


ist Montmirail-en-Brive. 

2nd Provins. Sortie as far as Lamotte-de-Nangis, Bray- 

5th Return towards Paris by Provins. 


August — continued. 

7 th Coulommiers, Chateau Thierry, 

loth La Fertd Milon. 

nth Crespy-en-Valois. 

1 2 th Lagny-le-Sec. 

13th Dammartin and Thieux. 

14th Baron, Montessilloy. 

15th Crespy. 

1 8th Compifegne, Senlis. 

23rd Leave Compiegne. 

26th Saint Denis. 


5th La Chapelle, near Paris. 
8th Attack on the gate Saint Honore'. 
gth Retreat from La Chapelle to Saint Denis. 
14th Lagny-sur-Marne. 

iSth Provins, Bray-sur-Seine. Passage of the river Yonne 
at a ford near Sens Courtenay. Chateau Regnaut, 
2 1 St Gien. Selles-en-Berri, Bourges. 

Meun-sur-Yevre, Bourges. 


Saint Pierre-le-Moutier. 
9th Moulins. 
24th La Charite'-sur-Loire, Meun-sur-Yevre. . 







3rd Sully. 
28th Flight from Sully. 


15th Before Melun, Lagny, Sortie against Franquet d' Arras, 
Senlis, Compifegne, Pont I'Eveque, Soissons, Com- 


Lagny, Crecy, Compiegne. 
28th Sortie from Compiegne against Margny and Clairvoix. 

June, July. 
At Beaulieu-en-Vermandois. 

August, September, October, and November. 

Beaurevoir, Arras, Drugy, near Saint Riquier, Le 

Saint Valdry-sur-Somme, Eu, Dieppe, Rouen. 


January, February, March, April, and May. 


Sismondi devotes a part of the thirteenth 
volume of his Hii>iory of France, pubHshed be- 
tween 1 82 1 and 1844, to the Maid of Orleans. 
He sums up the action of the Church to her 
in these words : ' The Church was against the 
Maid. All persons not delegated by her who 
pretended to have supernatural powers were 
accused of using magical arts.' 


Barante in his famous history of the Dukes 
of Burgundy, pubHshed in 1824, gives a some- 
what meagre and uninteresting account of Joan 
of Arc. In 1821 appeared a Life of the heroine, 
by JoUois, under whose direction the Httle monu- 
ment was placed at Domremy in honour of the 

Alexandre Dumas has left among his num- 
berless works a Life of Jchanne la Pucelle, 
which is neither true history nor romance, but 
a jumble of both, and is a work hardly worthy 
the author, but there are some fine expressions 
in the book. Dumas christened Joan of Arc 
'The Christ of France.' Michelet in the fifth 
volume of his Histoire de France published in 
1 84 1, has written what will probably always be 
considered the best account of the Maid. Al- 
though only one hundred and thirty pages are 
given to her life, these pages form a book in 
themselves, and as a separate volume Miche- 
let's Life of Joan of Arc has gone through a 
large number of editions, the latest a handsome 
illustrated one, published by Hachette in 1888. 

One cannot help regretting that so great a 
writer should allow his Anglophobism to appear 
to such an extent in some of the pages of his 
work. Michelet attacks the entire English nation 
as if they had been individually and collectively 
guilty of Joan of Arc's death. He even goes out 
of his way to abuse English literature in this 
amazing passage : ' De Shakespeare a Milton, 
de Milton a Byron leur belle et simple littdrature 
est sceptique, judaique, satanique.' It is pitiable 


that so distinguished a writer as was Michelet 
should pen such rubbish, but when a Frenchman 
writes on the subject of Joan of Arc much should 
be forgiven him. More serious than the abuse 
of the English in Michelet's work are the inac- 
curacies in his account of Joan of Arc. For in- 
stance, he writes of the heroine watching the 
English coast from her prison in the castle of 
Crotoy. Her eyesight must have been tele- 
scopic had she been able to do so, for eighty 
miles of sea stretch between the site of Crotoy 
and the English coast. 

We next come to Henry Martin's history 
of France. In this work a third part of the 
sixth volume is consecrated to Joan of Arc, 
whom he calls the ' Messiah of France.' 

M. Wallon, however, is the writer who has 
given France the most complete biography of her 
heroine. This work, published by Hachette, had 
in 1879 attained its fifth edition. A most sumptu- 
ously illustrated edition appeared in 1876, one of 
those splendidly illustrated books in which the 
French press has no rival. That book is the 
finest monument which has appeared to honour 
the memory of the Maid of Orleans. Its illustra- 
tions contain views of all places and memorials 
connected with the heroine from the fifteenth to 
the middle of the nineteenth century. The text 
of Wallon's Life is, however, wanting in charm, 
and it is, as M. Veuillot writes of it, ' un livre 
sdrieuse et solide.' Sainte-Beuve has been still 
more severe in his judgment on Wallon's book, 
which he calls ' la faiblesse meme.' 


Some slighter histories may be alluded to : 
one by Lamartine, unworthy of the author and 
the subject; another by M. Abel Desjardins ;^ 
a third by Villaume ; a fourth by M. Lafon- 
taine. There is an interesting study by Simon 
Luce on Joan of Arc's early years ; and last, 
but certainly not least, the three works by M. 
Joseph Fab re, relating to Joan of Arc's life, 
her trial, her condemnation, and her rehabili- 
tation. In the two last works the whole of 
the long examination appears for the first 
time, translated into French from the Latin — 
documents invaluable to any one studying the 
heroine's life. 

In England little has been written in prose 
relating to Joan of Arc that will be likely to 
live. The early chroniclers were monstrously 
unjust to her. It is enough to allude to the 
lying and scurrilous abuse which such writers as 
Robert Fabyan, in his chronicles on the history 
of England and of France, published in 15 16, 
heaped upon Joan of Arc. Hall's and Holin- 
shed's chronicles, from which the author of the 
First Part of King Henry VI. borrowed so 
largely, sinned as deeply. Hall's authorities 
among French writers were Monstrelet, Bou- 
chet, Mayer, Argentan, Gile Corozet, and the 
annals of France and Aquitaine — and of Eng- 
lish writers, Fabyan, Caxton, John Harding, 
Sir Thomas More, Basset, Balantyne, and the 
Chronicle of London. 

The annalist Stow, Hume's 'honest historian,' 
is less unjust and bitter in his account of Joan 


of Arc than are Hall and Holinshed. Thomas 
Fuller appears not to have settled to his satis- 
faction whether Joan of Arc was a witch or a 

In the seventeenth century we have only a 
handful of poor writers who have treated more 
or less badly of the Maid, such as Daniel, 
Martyn, and Sir Richard Baker. It is not 
until well into the eighteenth century that a 
man of letters appears capable of giving an 
unprejudiced and true history of the life of 
Joan of Arc : this historian is Guthrie, who 
published, between the years 1744 and 1751, a 
long history of England. M. Darmesteter has 
named this author 'a village Bossuet.' 

Coming to our own days we have quite a 
crowd of writers who have written with en- 
thusiasm on the Maid of Domremy. It is 
sufficient to name the most prominent of these 
— Landor, Sir James Mackintosh, John Sterling, 
Lord Mahon, De Quincey, and J. R. Green. 

No. II. 


The Maid of Orleans (though a more poetical 
figure cannot be found in all history) has not 
been more fortunate at the hands of the poets 
than at those of the historians. 

To begin with her own countrywoman — for 
the first who sang of Joan of Arc was appro- 
priately enough a fellow-countrywoman — Chris- 
tine de Pisan. 

As the name indicates, this poetess was an 
Italian by origin, but appears to have lived 
most of her life in France. The latter part 
she passed in a convent. 

In the year 1429, Christine was sixty-seven 
years old ; she had been living in some con- 
ventual establishment for eleven years. Her 
verses in praise of Joan of Arc — which num- 
ber several hundred stanzas — were undoubtedly 
written in the heroine's life-time. They are 
supposed to have been the last lines she wrote. 
These stanzas were completed shortly after the 
coronation of Charles VII. A manuscript copy 
of this poem exists in which Joan of Arc is 
compared to Deborah, Judith, and Queen Esther. 
These poems are curious and quaint in their old 


French expressions, but they are quite unread- 
able for any but French students well versed in 
the literature of the fifteenth century. 

In 1440, Martin le France, provost of the 
Cathedral of Lausanne, bestows some lines on 
Joan of Arc in his poem called the Champian 
des dames. In 1487, Martial de Paris published, 
under the title of Vigiles du roi Charles VII., 
a rhymed translation of Jean Chartrier's chro- 
nicle of that monarch. 

Villon has left some charming lines in which 
he has placed the heroine's name as it were on 
a string of pearls ; they occur in his exquisite 
ballad 'Dames du temps jadis,' and, as it would 
be profanation to try and translate, I give them 
here in the original : — 

' La Reine blanche comme un lys 
Qui chantait h. voix de sirfene, 
Berthe au grand pied, Bietris, Allis, 
Haremburge qui tint le Maine, 
Et Jeanne la bonne Lorraine 
Qu' Anglais brulerent k Rouen, 
Oil sont-ils, vierge souveraine ? 
Mais oil sont les neiges d'antan ? ' 

Long before those beautiful lines were 
written by Villon, a play called Le Mysiere du 
Siege d'OrUans had been acted. As early as 
the year 1435 this performance appears to have 
taken place on the anniversary of the deliver- 
ance of the city, and the dramatic piece was 
probably acted on the return of that day for 
many a year after. This was one of the so- 
called ' Miracle Plays,' popular both in France 


and in England at that period. The author 
or authors of the play are not known. 

Some one has taken the trouble to count 
the number of lines: they amount to 20,529, 
and are all in dialogue ! 

Whether the unfortunate audience had to 
sit all through this performance one does not 
know. One hopes, for their sake, that, like a 
Chinese play or a Bayreuth performance of 
Wagner's operas, the performance was ex- 
tended over a number of days. 

Joan is naturally the heroine throughout ; 
she first appears as the bearer of the Divine 
mandate to drive the enemy from off the sacred 
soil of France. The play closes with her tri- 
umphant return to Orleans after the victory of 
Patay. As far as the mission is concerned the 
play is historically correct, and it is in this 
respect an improvement on Shakespeare and 
Schiller. There is a point of great interest 
concerning this piece which, so far as we know, 
has never been noticed — namely, the fact of one 
of its acts being almost identical with one in 
the First Part of King Hemy VI. In the mys- ' 
tery play the scene of this act is laid before 
Orleans. The French are determined to de- 
fend their city to the last ; the English are 
determined on taking it. We are in front of 
the besieged and the besiegers. Salisbury has 
entered the Tournelles, and he looks out over 
the city from a window in the tower. Glans- 
dale (' Glassidas ') stands beside him, and says 
to Salisbury, ' Look to your right, and to your 


left — it looks like a terrestrial paradise, all this 
country flowing with milk and honey ; you will 
soon be its master.' Salisbury expresses his 
satisfaction at the sight of all the plunder at 
his feet, and gives vent to some very sanguin- 
ary sentiments about the French ; he will slay 
every one in the place — all the men, ' et leurs 
femmes et leurs enfants. Personne je n'^par- 
gnerai.' But scarcely has he been able to give 
vent to this terrible threat when his head is 
carried off by a cannon ball fired from the 
town. The English cry out 'Ha! Hay! 
maudite journde ! " 

Earl Salisbury is carried out stiff and stark. 
Talbot and the other English officers now vow 
vengeance on the French in these words : — 

' Ha, Sallebery, noble coraige ! 
Ta mort nous sera vendue chfere. 
Jamais un tel de ton paraige, 
Ne se trouvera en frontifere.' 

If we turn to Scene 4 of the first act of 
Shakespeare's First Part of King Henry VI., we 
shall find almost the same scene enacted. - 

Enter on the turrets. Lord Salisbury, Tal- 
bot, etc. Salisbury, after welcoming Talbot, calls 
on Sir William Glansdale to look down into the 
town, and while conversing the shot is fired which 
kills Salisbury. After the death of Salisbury, 
Talbot vows vengeance on the French, and says 
he will 

' Nero-like 
Play on the lute, beholding the towns burn.' 

IN POETR Y. 305 

There can be little doubt that whoever wrote 
the First Part of King Henry VI. had seen the 
mystery play of the Siege of Orleans acted in 
that town. This brings one to the much de- 
bated question, ' Who wrote the First Part of 
King Henry VI. ? ' 

There can be no doubt that Shakespeare 
had studied both Hall's and Holinshed's chro- 
nicles. The former styled Joan of Arc 'a mon- 
strous woman,' and also suggested that fine 
passage beginning ' Why ring not the bells 
throughout the town ? ' We are of those who 
would wish to believe that our greatest poet 
had but little hand in delineating the French 
heroine of all time as she is described in Piall 
and in Holinshed, and to believe that he left 
the play — originally written, we think, by Greene 
— very much as he found it. It is not in- 
deed till the fifth act, when Joan is represented 
as a magician, and when the grotesqueness of 
the author passes even the limits of burlesque, 
that we fail to see a shred of the poet's skill. 
Nothing in Shakespeare is at once so unpoeti- 
cal as well as so untrue to history as the last 
scene, in which Joan repudiates her father. If 
it is by Shakespeare — which we cannot believe — 
it must have been one of the very earliest of 
his historical plays ; and, with Ben Jonson, we 
could wish that the passages referring to the 
Maid of Orleans had been freely blotted. 

The era of the Renaissance brought with 
it in France no poets to sing of Joan of Arc, 
and we only find — besides the mystery play of 


the Siege of Orleans — one literary work relating 
to her at this period ; that is a five-act tragedy 
written by a Jesuit priest named Fronton du 
Due, a gloomy piece, which was acted in 1580 
at Pont-a-Mousson. In the beginning of the 
seventeenth century appeared another tragedy 
by a Norman squire named Virey : it was 
titled Jeanne d' Arques, dite la Pucelle d'OrUans. 
This very mellifluous production was published 
at Rouen in the year 1600. 

Another tragedy on the same subject ap- 
peared in 1642, written by the Abbe d'Aubignac 
— a very pedantic play. - 

Next appears an ' heroic poem ' by Chape- 
lain, published in 1656, entitled La Pucelle. 
Great things had been expected of this poem, 
but it fell very flat after a long expectancy of 
thirty years when it at length saw the light. 
Chapelain's ridiculous poem gave the idea to 
Voltaire of his licentious one. 

Even Voltaire was ashamed of his work, 
and long denied that he was its author. As a 
very slight reparation for his deed, he writes 
of Joan of Arc in his Essai siir les viceiirs et 
r esprit des natives, that the heroine would have 
had altars built in the days when altars were 
erected by primitive men to their liberators. 

Southey, referring to Voltaire's infamous pro- 
duction, said, ' I never committed the crime of 
reading Voltaire's Pucelle.' 

After all, Voltaire did infinitely more harm 
to himself by writing his poem La Pucelle 
than he did to the memory of the Maid of 


Orleans, for it revealed to the world what an 
amount of depravity was mixed up within that 
wonderful shrewd mind, and how it weakened its 
genius. The great Revolution which swept so 
many shams away with its terrible breath, ven- 
erated, to its honour be it said, both the spirit 
of humanity displayed by the poet-philosopher 
and the spirit of patriotism that possessed the 
virgin heroine and martyr. 

In 1795 appeared Southey's heroic play on 
Joan of Arc. That drama is more a glorification 
of the principles of the French Revolution than 
of Joan of Arc. There is no attempt made to 
follow out her history. The play contains a love 
episode due entirely to the youthful poet's im- 
agination, but it contains fine passages as well, 
and seems to us to have merited more praise 
from posterity than it has received. 

Schiller's play, like Southey's, sins grievously 
as far as historical truth is concerned. The Ger- 
man poet wishes, it seems, to remove the bad 
impression made by Voltaire's poem. The play 
was first performed on the stage at Weimar in 
1801 ; and the Jungfrait. von Orleans met with 
considerable success. It contains noble lines, 
but is historically a mere travesty of the life and 
death of the heroine. 

In 1 81 5 Casimir Delavigne wrote, as a coun- 
terblast to the double invasion that France had 
just undergone, his well known Messeniennes to 
the honour of the French heroine. These poems 
had a great success, the second being the most 
admired ; but they are now forgotten. Two 


other dramatic poets followed in Delavigne's 
steps : these were d'Avrigni and Soumet. By 
the former appeared, in 1819, a tragedy in five 
acts and in verse ; it was performed at the 
Thdatre Franqais. Soumet's play was also 
acted ; it almost equals d'Avrigni's in length 
and tediousness. 

Besides the above tragedies which had, as 
the French term it, the honour of seeing the 
light of the footlights, Desnoyers wrote a play 
on Joan of Arc in 1841, and was followed by 
a series of other writers in verse and in prose 
— Caze, Dumolard, Maurin, Gramar, Hddouville, 
Millot, Lequesme, Crepot, Puymaigre, Porchat, 
Haldy, Renard, Jouve, Cozic, Daniel Stern, 
Bousson de Maviet, Constant Materne. All 
the above wrote plays and tragedies on the sub- 
ject of Joan of Arc between the years 1805 
and 1862. Daniel Stern was the only author- 
ess who composed a drama in honour of the 

While all this galimatias of dramas has 
sunk into the limbo which waits for all such 
work, Villon's two lines remain as bright as 
the day on which, four centuries ago, he wrote 
them : — 

'Jeanne la bonne Lorraine, 
Qu' Anglais brulferent k Rouen.' 

Some plays on the subject of the Maid of 
Orleans also appeared in Italy and in England, 
but none is likely to retain a long hold of 
the stage. The drama of Joan of Arc's life has 


inspired two of the greatest masters of music 
of our day. Verdi set a tragedy by Solera to 
music in 1845, and in 1869 Gounod wrote some 
music for a piece by Jules Barbier, which was 
performed with some success at the Gaite 
Thd^tre in Paris in 1873. 

What will always remain an unfortunate fact 
in the history of modern literature is that the 
two greatest minds of England and France 
have written on the subject of the Maid of 
Orleans lines which — for their fame — it were 
well they had never written. Whether Shake- 
speare composed the First Part of King Henry 
VI. may for long remain a disputed point, but 
he is responsible for that play, and consequently 
for the manner in which Joan of Arc is treated 
in it. No genius can pardon or excuse the 
abuse and filth with which Voltaire bespatters 
the immortal memory of the glorious Maid of 

Voltaire's attack on Church and State had 
much to excuse them in his day ; but that 
on Joan of Arc was entirely unwarranted, un- 
called for, and unpardonable. Still, could Joan 
have known the offence and the offender, we 
have no doubt she would have forgiven the 
ribaldry and the ribald as freely as she forgave 
all her enemies. 


Anonym, ' Chanson historique de Jeanne d'Arc et de ses hauts fails.' 

Orleans, 1862. lamo. (II n'a it6 publie que 35 exemplaires 

de cet ouvrage.) 
Attel de Lutange, J. F. D. d', 'rHdroine d'Orleans, 15= sifecle, 

avec une carte de tous les lieux cites dans cet ouvrage et un 

plan de la ville d'Orleans k I'epoque de sa delivrance par 

Jeanne d'Arc' 3 torn. Paris, 1884. 8vo. 
Aufrfere-Duvernoy, C, ' Notice sur les monuments eriges h Orleans 

en I'honneur de Jeanne Dare' 1855. 8vo. 
Ayroles, J. 15. J., ' Jeanne d'Arc sur les autels, et la regeneration 

de la France, 1885. i2mo. 

Barbier, Jules, 'Jeanne d'Arc' Drame en 5 actes et en vers, 

musique de Ch. Gounod, rep'"- h la Gait^ en Nov. 1873. 
Barthelemy (E. M. de) et Kerviler (R.), ' Un tournoi de 3 pucelles 

en I'honneur de Jeanne d'Arc' 1878. 8vo. 
Baunard, I'Abb^ L., ' Jeanne d'Arc et la delivrance d'Orleans.' 

Discours. Paris (imp. k Orleans), 1868. 8vo. 
Beauregard, I'Abbe Barthelemy de, ' Histoire de Jeanne d'Arc' 

Benserade, J. de (?), ou Tilet de la Mesnardifere (?), ' La pucelle 

d'Orleans.' Tragddie en 5 actes et en vers. Paris, 1642. 4to. 

Autre Edition. Paris, 1682. 4to. 

Berriat de Saint-Prix, J., 'Jeanne d'Arc, ou Coup-d'ceil sur les 
revolutions de France au temps de Charles VI. et Charles VII. 
et surtout de la Pucelle d'Orl&ns.' Paris, 1817. 8vo. 

Boucher de Molandon, ' Premiere expedition de Jeanne d'Arc : Le 
ravitaillement d'Orl&ns. Nouveaux documents. Plan du 
si^ge et de I'expddition.' Orleans, 1874. 8vo. 

'Jacques d'Arc, p^re de la Pucelle. Sa notabilite per- 

sonnelle, d'apr^s les documents recemment ddcouverts.' 
Orleans, 1885. 8vo. 

' La famille de Jeanne d'Arc, son sejour h Orleans.' 

Orleans, 1878. 8vo. 


Bouquet, F., ' Faut-il dcrire Jeanne d'Arc ou Jeanne Dare' 1867. 

Bourbon Ligni^res, H. Comte de, ' Etude sur Jeanne d'Arc' 1875. 

Bouteiller (E. de) et Braux (G. de), ' La famille de Jeanne d'Arc. 

Documents in^dits, gdndalogie, lettres de J. Hordal et de 

Claude du Lys k Charles du Lys, publics pour la 1'^ fois.' 

Paris, 1878. 8vo. 
' Nouvelles recherches sur la famille de Jeanne d'Arc' 

Enquetes inddites. Genealogie. Paris, 1879. 8vo. 
• ' Notes iconographiques sur Jeanne d'Arc' Paris (imp. 

k Orleans), 1879. 8vo. 

Calianthe (pseud.), ' Tragedie de Jeanne d' Argues, dite la Pucelle 

d'Orleans, en 5 actes et en vers.' Rouen, i5ii. i2mo. 
Canet, v., 'Jeanne d'Arc et sa mission nationale.' Lille (imp. k 

Bruges), 1887. 8vo. 
Carn6-Marcein, Comte de, ' Les fondateurs de I'unite frangaise. 

Etude historiques.' 2 tomes. Paris, 1856. 8vo. 
Chabannes, Baronne de Clementine, ' La Vierge Lorraine Jeanne 

d'Arc. Son histoire au point de vue de Theroisme, de la 

saintete et du martyre.' Paris, 1874. i2mo. 
Chapelain, ' La Pucelle ou la France ddivrde. Poeme hdroique.' 

Paris, 1656. Fol. 
Chartier, Alain, ' Les croniques du feu roy Charles septi^sme de 

ce nom.' Paris, 1528. Fol. 
Chaussard, P. J. B , 'Jeanne d'Arc ; recueil historique et complet.' 

Orl&ns, 1806. 8vo. 
Chevalier, C. U. J., ' Jeanne d'Arc ; biobibliographie.' Montbdliard, 

1878. i6mo. 
Chevojon,L.C.,'Pandgyriquede Jeanne d'Arc' Orleans, 1859. 8vo. 
CMment, 'Vie de Jeanne d'Arc' Rouen, 1858. 8vo. (Faisant 

partie de la Bibliothfeque Morale de la Jeunesse.) 

Delisle, L. V., ' Nouveau te'moignage relatif k la mission de Jeanne 

d'Arc, &c' Paris (imp. kNogent-le-Rotrou), 1885. 8vo. 
Delort, Joseph, 'Essai critique sur I'histoire de Charles VII., 

d'Agn^s Sorelle et de Jeanne d'Arc, avec portraits et facsimile.' 

Paris, 1824. 8vo. 
Desbrosses, ' Pan(5gyrique de Jeanne d'Arc' Orl&ns, 1861. 8vo 
Desjardins, Abel, 'Vie de Jeanne d'Arc, d'aprfes les documents 

nouvellement publics (avec des cartes d'itindraire).' Paris, 

Firmin-Didot (imp. k Mesnil), 1854. i2mo. 
Du Castel (Christine du Pisan), 'Jeanne d'Arc, chronique rimde 

publiee par H. H., (c.-k.-d. Henri Heriuison). 1856. i6mo. 


Dumas, Alexandre, 'Jeanne d'Arc' 1843. 8vo. 

Dupanloup, F. A. P. (Eveque d'Orleans), ' Pandgyrique de Jeanne 

d'Arc, pron. le 8 mai 1855.' Imp. k Orleans. Paris, 1855 (?) 

'Second panegyrique de Jeanne d'Arc' Orleans, 1869. 


F. . . ., E. G., 'Jeanne d'Arc a-t-elle existe? A-t-elle €i€ brCdde?' 

Orleans, 1866. 8vo. 
Fabert, L., ' Histoire populaire illustree des deux proems de Jeanne 

d'Arc. (Condamnation, 1431 : Rehabilitation, 1456.)' Paris, 

1874. 4to. 
Fabre, J., ' Proems de condamnation de Jeanne d'Arc, d'apr^s les 

textes authentiques des proems verbaux officiels. Traduction 

(du Latin) avec dclaircissements.' Paris, 1884. i2mo. 

■ ■ ' Jeanne d'Arc, liberatrice de la France.' 1884. i8mo. 

Favre, Jules, ' Quatre conference faites en Belgique. Eloge de 

Jeanne d'Arc' Paris, 1874. i2mo. 
Favre, L., ' Duguesclin et Jeanne d'Arc, ou la France aux xiv"= et 

xv" si&cles. Rdcits historiques d'apr^s les chroniques de 

I'epoque. Illustrations k deux teintes par V. Adam.' Niort, 

1853. 8vo. 

Gillis, James (EvSque de Limyre), ' Pandgyrique de Jeanne d'Arc, 
prononce dans la cathedrale d'Orleans k la fete du 8 mai 
1857.' 3° ed. (imp. k Orleans), Londres et Edimbourg, 1857, 8vo. 

Godefroy, F., ' Le livre d'or fran^ais. La mission de Jeanne d'Arc' 
Ouvrage illustrd. Paris, 1878. 8vo. 

Guerry, G. de, ' Eloges de Jeanne d'Arc, prononc^ dans I'dglise ca- 
thddrale d'Orleans les 8 mai i8i6et mai 1828.' Paris, 1856. 8vo. 

Guillemin, A., 'Jeanne d'Arc, I'dpde de Dieu, ouvrage posthume, 
revu et complete par A. Rastoul et illustre par S. Langlois.' 
Paris (imp. k Boulogne-sur-Seine), 1875. 8vo. 

• ' Jeanne d'Arc, poeme en douze chants. Illustrations de 

M. Panquet.' Paris, 1844. 8vo. 

Guyon, ' La Parthenie Orldanaise.' Orleans, 1654. 8vo. 

H. H. (c.-k.-d. Henri Herluison), ' Liste chronologique des orateurs 
qui ont prononcd le panegyrique de Jeanne d'Arc depuis 1460 
jusqu'k nos jour, avec la nomenclature des dloges qui ont &l6 
imprimis.' Orl&ns, 1869. 8vo. 

Haldat, C. H. A. de, ' Examen critique de I'histoire de Jeanne 
d'Arc, suivi de la relation de la ffite c^ldbree k Dom-Remi, en 
1820, et de mdmoire sur la maison de Jacques d'Arc et sur sa 
descendance.' Nancy, 1850. 8vo. 


Hellis, C. E., ' La prison de Jeanne d'Arc k Rouen. Memoiie lu 

k I'Acad^mie des Sciences, Belles-lettres at Arts de Rouen, 

en fevrier 1864.' 
' Histoire et discours au vray du si^ge qui fut mis devant la villa 

d'Orleans. Harangue de la pucella Jeanne au roy pour 

I'induire \ aller k Rliaims.' 1606. 8vo. 
Hubert at Maresclialle, 'Scfena ajoutee k "lEp^ede Jeanne d'Arc" 

(par Mardschalle, v. ci-dessous) k I'occasion da la pi^ce jouee \ 

Faydeau.' Paris, 1821. 8vo. 

Jacob, P. L. , 'Chroniqua da la Pucalla, ou Chronique de Cousinot, 
suivie de la chronique normande de P. Cochon relative aux 
rfegnes de Charles VI. at Charles VII. Avec notices, notes et 
developpements par M. Vallet de Virivilla.' (Faisant partia de 
la Bibliothfeque gauloise publiea par Jacob.) 1857. 8vo. 

Jadart, V., 'Jeanne d'Arc k Reims, ses relations avec Rhaims, ses 
lettres aux Remois. Notice accompagnee de documents 
originaux.' Reims, 1887. 8vo. 

Jaugey, J. B., ' Etude sur Jeanne d Arc, sa via, ses voix, sa saintete.' 
Langres (imp. k Chaumont), 1867. 8vo. 

Jeanne d'Arc, ' Notice historique servant d'explication aux bas- 
reliefs du monument elave sur la place du Martroi.' Orleans, 
1869. 8vo. 

Jollois, J. B. P., ' Histoire abr^g^e de la vie et des exploits de 
Jeanne d'Arc, surnommde la Pucella d'Orleans, suivie d'une 
notice descriptive d'un monument drige k sa memoira k 
Domremy.' Paris, 1821. Fol. 

' Histoire du si^ga d'Orleans.' Paris, 1833. Fol. 

Lafontaine, A. P., 'Vie de Jeanne d'Arc' Orleans, 1854. i2mo. 
Laniartine, de, 'Vie de Jeanne d'Arc' (i"= biographie dans le 

' Civilisataur.') 1852. 8vo. 
La Roqua, G. A. de (Siaur de la Lontifere), ' De la noblesse da 

Jeanne d'Arc et des principalas circonstances de sa via et de sa 

mort.' Orleans, 1878. 8vo. 
Leber, J. M. C, ' Collection des mailleures dissertations, traiti^s, &c. 

Tom. 17. Proems, mariage et histoire de Jeanne d'Arc' 

1826, &c. 8vo. 
Lebrun des Charmettes, 'Histoire de Jeanne d'Arc' 1817. 4tomes. 

Lamaire, 'Via de Jeanne d'Arc' 1818. i2mo. 
L^mann, I'Abbd J., ' Jeanne d'Arc ; recompense de les croisades.' 

1887. 8vo. 
Lemerle, B., ' Essai d'une bibliographie raisonnde de Jeanne d'Arc' 

(Chez H. Herluison.) Orl&ns, 1886. 8vo. 


Lenglet du Fresnoy, 'Histoire de Jeanne d'Arc, vierge, heroine 
et martyre d'etat.' Orl&ns — Paris, 1735 et 54. 3 pts. 

'Histoire de Jeanne d'Arc, dite la Pucelle d'Orldans.' 

3 parties. Amsterdam, 1775. i2mo. 

Lepage, H., 'Jeanne d'Arc est-elle Lorraine ? Deux dissertations 
successives publiees k Nancy I'une en 1852 et I'autre en 1855.' 

Lesigne, Ernest, ' Par la fin d'une legende. Vie de Jeanne Dare' 
Ch. Bayle, dditeur. Paris, 1889. 

Levaillant de la Fieffe, ' De la noblesse de Jeanne d'Arc et de sa 
famille.' Rouen, 1862. 8vo. 

Luce, S., ' Jeanne d'Arc k Domremy. Recherches critiques sur les 
origines de la mission de la Pucelle accompagnde de pifece 
justificatives.' Paris (imp. au Mans), 1886. 8vo. 

Mareschalle, ' L'dpee de Jeanne d'Arc, k propos burlesque et grivois.' 

Paris, 1819. Svo. (V. 'Hubert et Mardschalle.') 
MaroUes, de (pretre d'Orldans), ' Discours sur la Pucelle d'Orldans 

(Jeanne d'Arc) et sur la ddlivrance d'Orleans.' 1760. 8vo. 
Martin, Bon Louis Henri, ' Jeanne d'Arc' Paris, 1875. 8vo. 
Martin, Felix (litterateur), 'La Idgende de Jeanne d'Arc (1410- 

1431).' Paris (imp. k Nantes), 185 1. i2mo. 
Martin, Henri, 'Jeanne d'Arc' (Extrait deson Histoire de France.) 

Paris, 1875. 8vo. 
Masson, J., 'Histoire de la vie de Jeanne d'Arc, appelee la Pucelle 

d'Orldans.' Paris, 1612. 8vo. 
Mdrard St. -Just, S. P. de, 'Cantiques et pots-pourris (dent I'un 

intitule " La Pucelle d'Orldans").' Londres (imp. k Paris), 

1789. l2mo. 
Merlet, L., 'Souvenirs de Jeanne d'Arc dans le pays Chartrain.' 

Chartres, 1859. 8vo. 
Mermet, A., 'Jeanne d'Arc. Opdra ; livres et musique de M. A. 

Mermet, rep'=- k I'Opdra le 5 avril 1876.' 
Mermillod, G., ' Panegyrique de Jeanne d'Arc, prononcd dans la 

cathddrale d'Orl&ns le 8 mai 1863, etc' Orleans, 1863. 8vo. 
Michaud (J. F.) et Poujoulat (J. J. F.), ' Notice sur Jeanne d'Arc, 

surnommde la Pucelle d'Orl&ns.' Paris, 1837. 8vo. 

' Vie de Jeanne d'Arc, prdcddde par son paiidgyrique par 

Mgr. Dupanloup.' (Bibliothfeque de la Famille.) Paris, 1869. 

Micguel, L , ' Histoire du sifege d'Orleans et de la Pucelle Jeanne 
(par un principal du College d'Orleans au temps de Charles 
septi^sme) mise en nostre langue par le Sr. Dubreton.' Paris, 
1631. Svo. 


Michelet, J., 'Jeanne d'Arc. 1412-1432. Avec dix eaux-fortes 

d'apr&s les dessins de Bida.' Paris, 1888. 4to. 
' Mirouer des femmes vertueuses. . . . Ensemble la patience 

Griselidis, par laquelle est demonstree I'obeissance des femmes 

vertueuses. L'histoire admirable de Jehanne Pucelle, native de 

Vaucouleur.' (Reprod. de I'ed"- de 1546.) Paris, 1840. 410. 
Monstrelet, Enguerrand de, 'Chroniques : faisant partie du Panthdon 

litteraire.' Paris, 1836. 8vo. 
Mont-Louis, R. de, 'Jeanne d'Arc ou I'h^rome de Domremy.' 

Limoges (imp.) : Paris, 1866. 8vo. 
Montenon, P. de, ' Recit national. Jeanne d'Arc' Paris (imp. k 

St. Germain), 1865. i2mo. 
Mouchy, Le Ricqu? de, ' Etude historique et physiologique : Jeanne 

d'Arc' Montpellier, 1868. 8vo. 
Mourot, v., 'Jeanne d'Arc en face de I'Eglise romaine et de la 

Revolution.' Lille, 1886. 8vo. 
' Jeanne d'Arc, mod^e des vertus chretiennes.' 2 tomes. 

Lille, 1887. 8vo. 
' L'Oracle de la Pucelle d'Orleans proposd au roy, le dimanche 

trezifesme de juillet, ou sont deduites les royales aventures de Sa 

Majestd.' Paris, 1614. 8vo. 

O'Reilly, E., ' Les deux proems de condamnation, les enquetes et la 
sentence de rehabilitation de Jeanne d'Arc mis en frangais, avec 
notes et introduction.' 2 tomes. Paris, 1868. 8vo. 

' Pandgyrique de Jeanne d'Arc prononce dans I'eglise Sf^ Croix 

d'Orleans le 8 mai 1672. Publie pour la premiere fois d'aprfes 

le manuscrit de la Bibliothfeque Nationale par H. Stein. 

Orleans, 1887. 8vo. 
Pau, Mile. Marie Edmde, ' Histoire de notre petite sceur Jeanne 

d'Arc' Paris, Plon, 1873. 8vo. 
Paul, Marius (capitaine d'artillerie), 'Jeanne Dare, tacticienne et 

strat^giste.' Paris, 1889. 8vo. 
Perraud A. (Eveque d'Autun), ' Panegyrique de Jeanne d'Arc, 

prononce dans la cathedrale d'Orleans le 8 mai 1872 en la fete 

du443^'=anniversaire deladelivrance de la ville.' Orleans, 1872. 

Perreyve, H., 'Panegyrique de Jeanne d'Arc, prononce dans la 

cathedrale d'Orleans k la fete anniversaire du 8 mai 1862.' 

Orleans, 1862. 8vo. 
Petitot, C. B., ' Memoires concernant la Pucelle d'Orleans, dans 

lesquel se trouvent plusieurs particularitds du rfegne de Charles 

VII.' (Collection complete des memoires relatifs k l'histoire de 

France. Ser. 1°, tome 8.) 1819, etc. 8vo. 


Place, I'Abbe C. de, ' Panegyrique de Jeanne d'Arc, prononce k la 
fete du 8 mai 1858.' Orleans, 1858. 8vo. 

Quicherat, J. E. J., 'Proems de condamnation et de rehabilita- 
tion de Jeanne d'Arc, dite la Pucelle, public's pour la 1° fois 
d'aprfes les manuscrits de la Bibliothfeque royale, suivis 
de tous les documents historiques qu'on k pu reunis et ac- 
compagnes de notes et d'eclaircissement.' 5 tomes. Paris, 
1841-49. 8vo. 

■ ' Aperqus nouveaux sur I'histoire de Jeanne d'Arc' Paris, 

1850. 8vo. 

Renard, A., ' Du nom de Jeanne d'Arc. Examen d'une opinion de 
M. Vallet de Viriville.' Paris, 1854. 8vo. 

'Jeanne d'Arc ^tait-elle franqaise? Reponse au memoire 

de M. H. Lepage.' (V. ' Lepage.') Imp. Chaumont, Langres, 
1852. 8vo. 

' 2'= reponse k M. Lepage.' Paris, 1855. 8vo. 

' 3^ reponse k M. Lepage.' Paris, 1857. 8vo. 

' La mission de Jeanne d'Arc. Examen d'une opinion de 

J. Quicherat.' 1856. 8vo. 

' Souvenirs de Bassigny-Champenois. Jeanne d'Arc et 

Domremy. Societe historique et archeologique de Langres.' 
Paris, 1857. 8vo. 

Renard, C, 'Jeanne Dare n'a point ^te brulee \ Rouen. Re- 
impression de trois ecrits (par Vignier, de Vienne Plancy 
et S. PoUuche) sur ce probl^me historique.' Rouen, 1872. 

Renzi, A., ' Jeanne d'Arc, sa mission et son martyre.' Paris (imp. k 
St. Germain-en-Laye), 1857. 8vo. 

Rigaud, J., 'Atlas general des voyages et expeditions militaire de 
Jeanne d'Arc, avec une preface par P. L. d'Arc' 

Robillard de Beaurepaire, C. de, 'Academic des Sciences, Belles- 
lettres et Arts de Rouen : Memoire sur le lieu de supplice 
de Jeanne d'Arc, accompagne d'un plan de la place ou 
Vieux-March^ de Rouen, d'aprfes le livre des fontaines de 
1525 et la reproduction de la gravure d'Israel Silvestre, 
representant I'ancienne fontaine de la Pucelle.' Rouen, 1867. 

' Recherches sur le procfes de condamnation de Jeanne 

d'Arc' Rouen, 1869. 8vo. 

Robville, de, ' Histoire de Jeanne d'Arc, suivie de Jeanne 

Hachette, ou I'heroine de Beauvais.' Paris, 1870. i6mo. 


Roux, Nicolas le, ' Cy commence le livre de la Pucelle, natifve de 
Lorraine, qui reduict France entre les mains du roy, enseble le 
iugemet et comme elle fust bruslee au Vieil-Marche de Rouen.' 
Rouen, i59o(?) i2mo. 

Sainte-James, E. de (Marquis de Gaucourt), ' Des faits relatifs k 
Jeanne d'Arc et au sire de Gaucourt. Lettres k M. H. Martin, 
auteur d'une Histoirede France.' Paris, 1857. i2mo. 

Sepet, M., ' Jeanne d'Arc' Tours, 1885. 8vo. 

Soumet, 'Jeanne d'Arc' Tragedie. 1825. 

Stein. (V. ' Panegyrique.') 

Thomas, A., ' Panegyrique de Jeanne d'Arc, prononce dans la 
cathedrale d'Orleans le 8 mai 1864.' Orleans, 1864. 8vo. 

'Tresor des pieces rares ou inedites.' Paris, 1885, etc. 8vo. 

Trippault, L., ' Les faits, pourtraict et iugement de Jeanne 
d'Arc, dicte la Pucelle d'Orleans (avec le texte latin).' 1583. 

v., M. de, 'La Pucelle d'Orleans.' 1755. i2mo. 

Vallet de Viriville, ' Proems de condamnation de Jeanne d'Arc 

traduit du latin et publie integralement pour la premiere fois 

en franijais d'aprfes les documents manuscrits et originaux.' 

Paris (Mesnil), 1867. 8vo. 
' Recherches sur la famille de Jeanne d'Arc' Firmin- 

Didot, Paris, 1854. 8vo. 

' Notices, notes et developpements, annexe de la Chronique 

de Cousinot,' Jacob, Paris, 1857. 8vo. (V. ' Jacob,' p. 314 de la 
presente bibliographie.) 
Vergnaud-Romagnesi, C. F., ' Examen philosophique et impartial 
des apparitions de la mission divine de Jeanne d'Arc' Orleans, 
1881. 8vo. 

' Fete de Jeanne d'Arc \ Orleans. Precis sur la vie et les 

exploits de Jeanne d'Arc, ses portraits.' Orleans (imp. k Paris), 
1855. 8vo. 

' Fete de la delivrance d'Orle'ans, dite f^te de Jeanne 

Arc, 8 mai 1857.' Orleans, 1857. 8vo. 

' Histoire de la ville d'OrlJans.' Orleans, 1830. 8vo. 

Vigneulles, P. Gerard de, 'Jeanne d'Arc dans les Chroniques 

Messines de P. de Vigneulles.' 1878. 8vo. 
Villaume, N., ' Histoire de Jeanne d'Arc, et refutation des diverses 
erreurs publiees jusqu'k ce jour.' Paris, 1863. i2mo. 


Voltaire, ' La Pucelle d'Orleans : poeme divise en vingt chants, avec 
des notes.' Preface de 'Dom Apulejus Risorius' (c.-k.-d. Voltaire 
lui-meme). Geneve 1762, at Londres 1764. 8vo. 

avec notes de ' M. de Morza' (c.-k.-d. Voltaire) 

Genfeve, 1773. 8vo. 

Londres (Paris?), 1779-78. 24mo. (Le 2^ vol. 

porte I'annee 1778 k la 1'= page.) 

Wallon, H. A., 'Jeanne d'Arc' Edition illustree. Paris, 1883. 

Zeller et Luchaire ( \.), 'Charles VIL et Jeanne d'Arc' 1880. 


Bartlett, David W., 'The Life of Joan of Arc' Auburn, New 

York, 1855. i2mo. 
Blake, Robert, ' Joan of Arc' A poem. London, 1876. 8vo. 
Bray, Mrs., 'Life of Joan d'Arc' London, 1874. 8vo. 

Caddy, Mrs. Florence, ' Footsteps of Jeanne d'Arc : A Pilgrim- 
age.' London, 1866. 8vo. 

Charles, Mrs. E., 'Joan of Arc : A Story of the Fifteenth Century.' 
London, 1879. 8vo. 

'Commines, Philip de, The Memoirs of 2 vols. London, 1855. 

Davenport- Adams, W. H., 'The Maid of Orleans.' London, 1889. 

Delepierre, Joseph Octave, ' Historical Difficulties and Contested 

Events.' London, 1868. 8vo. 
Doran, John, 'Knights and their Days.' London, 1856. Svo. 

Fuller, Thomas, 'The Holy State and the Profane State.' London, 
1840. 8vo. pp. 341. 

Guizot, F. P. G., ' The History of France from the Earliest Times to 
the year 1789.' Translated by R. Black. London, 1870. 8vo. 

Jameson, Mrs. A., 'Lives of Celebrated Sovereigns.' London, 

1834. i2mo. 
'Joan of Arc: The Story of a Noble Life.' Edinburgh, 1871. 


Maceroni, Cecilia, ' Illustrations from the History of the Maid of 
Orleans.' London, 1854. 8vo. 

Owen, Emily, ' Heroines of History.' London, 1877. 8vo. 



Parr, Harriet, 'The Life and Death of Jeanne d'Arc' London, 

1866. 8vo. 
Parton, James, 'The People's Book of Biography.' New York, 

1869. Bvo. 
PauH, Rheinhold, ' Pictures of Old England.' Translated by E. C. 

Ottd London, 1861. Bvo. 

Quincey, T. de, ' Miscellaneous Essays : Joan of Arc' London, 
1865. 8vo. 

Russell, Wm., ' Extraordinary Women.' London, 1857. 8vo. 
R., C. L., 'The Story of Joan of Arc' London, i860. i6mo. 

Southey, Robert, ' Joan of Arc ; an epic Poem.' Bristol, &c., 

1796. 4to. 
Stanhope, P. H. (5th Earl), 'The Life of Joan of Arc' London, 

1853. 8vo. 
Sterhng, J., 'Essays and Tales,' vol. i. London, 1848. 8vo. 
Stothart, A. E., ' Joan of Arc' London, 1874. 8vo. 

'The Wonderful Exploits of the Maid of Orleans.' Falkirk, 1815. 

Tuckey, Janet, ' Life of Joan of Arc' London, 1880. 8vo. 


Blackwood's Magazine, vol. xlvii. p. 284 (1841). 

Dublin Review, vol. Ix. p. 118 (1866). 

Dublin University Magazine, vol. Ixxxix. p. 417 (1876). 

Eticyclopadia Britannica, Article, ' Joan of Arc' 

Temple Bar, vol. xxi. p. 380 (1867). 

Fortnightly Review, vol. vi. p. 632 (1866). 

Harper's Magazine, vol. Ixiii. p. 91 (1881). 




Adam, De I'lsle, commander of the 
Burgundian soldiers in Paris, 107 

Albret, Sire d', assists Joan of Arc at 
the siege of Saint Pierre-le-Moutier, 


Alen^on, Duke of, entrusted with the 
command of the expedition on the 
Loire, 73, 74 ; his personal safety 
vouchsafed by Joan of Arc, 76 ; 
accompanies the King to Rheims, 
85 ; testifies to the military talents 
of Joan, 95 ; gives evidence at the 
trial for her rehabilitation, 265 

Alessee, John, canon at Rouen, as- 
sessor at the trial of Joan of Arc, 

Alnwick, William, Bishop of Nor- 
wich, assessor at the trial of Joan 
of Arc, 148 

Anjou, Duke of, his sympathy with 
Joan of Arc, 30 

Anjou, Rene d', ill 

Arc, origin of the name, 4 

Arc, Isabeau d' (mother of Joan of 
Arc), her influence upon her daugh- 
ter, 5 ; at the trial for rehabilitation, 

Arc, Jacques d' (father of Joan of 
Arc), his social position, 4 ; his 
death, 255 

Arc, Joan of. See Joan of Arc 

Arc, John d' (brother of Joan of Arc), 
37 ; at the trial for her rehabilita- 
tion, 256. 285 

Arc, Peter d' (brother of Joan of Arc), 
37 ; taken prisoner with his sister, 
125 ; at the trial for rehabilitation, 

Armagnac, Thibauld d'. Sire de 
Thermes, 40 ; at the trial for the 
rehabilitation of Joan of Arc, 274 

Arnolin, Henri, priest, 260 

Arras, Bishop of, 106 

Arundel, Earl of, threatens the town 
of Compiegne, 122 

Aubert, John, burgher of Orleans, 273 

Aubignac, Abb^ d', his tragedy on 
Joan of Arc, 306 

Auguy, Raoul, canon at Rouen, as- 
sessor at the trial of Joan of Arc, 

Aulon, John d', esquire of Joan of Arc, 

37, 56, 57 ; rescues his mistress, 115; 

taken prisoner with her, 125, 134 ; 

gives evidence at the trial for her 

rehabilitation, 257, 271 
Aunoy, Arnoult d', Celibat of the 

Monastery of Saint Urban-les-Join- 

ville, 21 
Averdy, Clement de 1', 292 
Avet, John de Saint, Bishop of Av- 

ranches, assessor at the trial of Joan 

of Arc, 145 
Avrigni, D', dramatic poet, 308 
Aymeri, William, doctor of theology, 


Bailly, Nicolas, scrivener, 260 
Baker, Sir Richard, English writer, 

Bar, Count de, 3 
Barante, historian, 297 
Barbier, Robert, canon of Rouen, 

assessor at the trial of Joan of Arc, 






Barbier, Jean, King's Advocate, 224 ; 
at the trial for the rehabilitation of 
Joan of Arc, 263 

Barbier, Jules, 309 

Barrey, John, godfather of Joan of 
Arc, 258 

Basin, Thomas, Bishop of Lisieux, 
quoted for Joan of Arc's belief in 
the reality of her visions, 8 

Basset, John, canon, assessor at the 
trial of Joan of Arc, 148 

Baubribosc, William de, canon at 
Rouen, assessor at the trial of Joan 
of Arc, 147 

Baudricourt, Robert de, 9 ; his first 
interview with Joan of Arc, 12 ; 
second interview, 14; presents her 
with his sword, 21 

Beaucharnys, John, burgher of Or- 
leans, 273 

Beaucharnys, fetronille, 274 

Beaucroix, Simon, at the trial for 
rehabilitation, 272 

Beaufort, Henry, Bishop of Win- 
chester. See Winchester. 

Beaupere, John, canon at Besan9on, 
assessor at the trial of Joan of Arc, 
145 ; examines and cross-questions 
her, 158; seeks to effect her ab- 
juration, 227 ; at the trial for 
rehabilitation, 276 

Bedford, Duke of, sends Fastolfe to 
Suffolk's assistance at Jargeau, 75 ; 
takes refuge in the fortress of Vin- 
cennes, 100 ; appeals for help to the 
Duke of Burgundy and the Bishop 
of Winchester, loi ; advances from 
Paris, 103 ; returns there, 105 ; 
leaves for Normandy, 107 ; comes 
to terms with the Duke of Bur- 
gundy, 1 14 ; invokes the aid of 
the Church against Joan of Arc, 

Bellarme, Martin, Dominican priest, 
assessor at the trial of Joan of Arc, 

Bellier, William, bailiff of Troyes, 89 
Bellow, J., cited, 150 

Benel, Abbot of Courcelles, assessor 

at the trial of Joan of Arc, 148 
Bergame, Philip de, Augustinian 

monk, 289 
Berwoit, John, attendant on Joan of 

Arc, 149, 157 
Bibliography of Joan of Arc: French, 

311 ; English, 320 
Boissel, Guerold de, 225 
Bonart, Herve, canon at Orleans, 274 
Bonnet, John, priest, 282 
Bonnet, Simon, Bishop of Senlis, 32 
Bordez, Andre, canon at Rouen, 274 
Boucher, Charlotte, bedfellow of Joan 

of Arc, at the trial for rehabilitation, 

Boucher, James, host of Joan of Arc 

in Orleans, 52 
Boucher, Mary le, 122 
Bouchier, Peter, priest, 282 
Boulogne, Count of, accompanies 

Charles VII. to Rheims, 85 
Boussac, Marshal de (Saint-Severe), 

40. 47. 58, 75 

Boyleau, Joan, 273 

BruUot, John, canon at Rouen, as- 
sessor at trial of Joan of Arc, 148 

Buchon, 291, 292 

Burgundy, Philip, Duke of, his trim- 
ming conduct after the coronation 
at Rheims, 102; comes to terms 
with Bedford, 114; intrigues to 
obtain possession of Corapiegne, 
121 ; hands over Joan of Arc to the 
English, 137 

Cabu, Gentien, burgher of Orleans, 

Cagny, Perceval de, cited, 6G 
Calixtus III., Pope, sanctions the re- 
habilitation of Joan of Arc, 254 
Canelier, John, burgher of Orleans, 

Castiglione, Zanon de, Bishop of 

Lisieux, assessor at the trial of Joan 

of Arc, 14s, 213 
Cauchon, Peter, Bishop of Beauvais, 





io6 ; his early career, 131 ; offered 
preferment by Winchester, 132 ; 
ransoms Joan of Arc for the En- 
glish, 133; resolves that her trial 
shall take place in Rouen, 141 ; 
constitution of his tribunal, 143 ; 
his policy at the beginning of 
the trial, 150, 151 ; his opening 
speech, 153 ; his examination of the 
Maid, 154 et seq.; fails to attach 
guilt to her in the public trial, 187 ; 
subjects her to a secret examination 
in prison, 18S ; contents of his 
letter of indictment to the Uni- 
versity of Paris, 208 ; tries to extort 
her submission in illness, 215 ; de- 
cides to put her to the torture, 221; 
commended for his zealous conduct, 
226 ; seeks to effect her abjuration, 
227 ; absolves her from excom- 
munication, 235 ; interviews her 
in prison, 238 ; hands her over to 
the secular powers, 248 

Caval, canon, assessor at the trial of 
Joan of Arc, 148 ; at the trial for 
rehabilitation, 282 

Censurey, Peter de la, canon at 
Rouen, 274 

Chapelain, his ' heroic poem ' on the 
Maid, 306 

Charles II., Duke of Lorraine, seeks 
an interview with Joan of Arc, 17 

Charles V. of France, I 

Charles VI. of France, I 

Charles the Dauphin (afterwards 
Charles VII.), protests against the 
dismemberment of France, i ; his 
wretched condition at the begin- 
ning of 1429, 23; interview with 
Joan of Arc at Chinon, 28 ; pre- 
sents her with a suit of armour, 
37 ; meets her after the delivery of 
Orleans, 70 ; sets out for Rheims, 
83 ; is crowned there, 91 ; en- 
nobles Joan, 98 ; vacillating con- 
duct, 102 ; marches on Paris, 
104; retreats to Gien, 114; takes 
measures for the rehabilitation of 

the Maid, 253 ; real object in doing 
so, 271 

Charles, Simon, Master of the Re- 
quests, 263 

Charlet, 292 

Charnettes, Lebrun les, historian, 

Charron, William le, burgher of 
Orleans, 272 

Chartres, Regnault de. Archbishop of 
Rheims, 32 ; accompanies Joan of 
Arc to Blois, 46 ; tries to thwart her 
mission, 55 ; meets Charles VII. on 
his entry into Rheims, 90 ; makes 
a truce with the English, iii ; an- 
nounces the capture of the Maid to 
the citizens of Rheims, 128 

Chartrier, William, Bishop of Paris, 
appointed a commissioner for the 
rehabilitation of Joan of Arc, 255 

Chatillon, Archdeacon of Evreux, 
assessor at the trial of Joan of 
Arc, 149 ; his sermon before Joan, 

Chauvigny, Seigneur de, accompanies 
Charles VII. to Rheims, 85 

Chinon, the Castle of, 22 

Clermont, Count of, accompanies 
Charles VII. to Rheims, 85, in 

Coaraze, 40 

Colin, playmate of Joan of Arc, 259 

Colin, John, priest, 262 

Colles, William, assessor at the trial 
of Joan of Arc, 144, 151; at the 
trial for rehabilitation, 279 

Columbel, canon, assessor at the trial 
of Joan of Arc, 148 

Compaing, Peter, canon at Orleans, 

Compi^gne, the town of, 122 

Contes, Louis de, page of Joan, 37, 

Conti, De, Abbot of Sainte Catherine, 
assessor at the trial of Joan of Arc, 

Coppequesne, Nicolas, canon at 
Rouen, assessor at the trial of 
Joan of Arc, 147, 224 





Cormeilles, canon, assessor at the 

trial of Joan of Arc, 148 
Coulant, 40 
Coulon, John, burgher of Orleans, 


Coulon, Guillemette de, 273 

Courcelles, Thomas de, canon, asses- 
sor at the trial of Joan of Arc, 145, 
150, 202, 224, 235 ; nature of his 
evidence at the trial for rehabilita- 
tion, 275 

Cousinot, G., Chancellor of the Duke 
of Orleans, 291 

Clique, Peter de, Prior of Sigy, asses- 
sor at the trial of Joan of Arc, 

Crotoy, I,e, importance of, to the 
English in the fifteenth century, 


Crotoy, canon, assessor at the trial of 
Joan of Arc, 148 

Culan, Louis, Admiral de, accom- 
panies Charles VII. to Rheims, 85 

Cusquel, Peter, burgher of Rouen, 

Dacier, Abbot of Saint Corneille of 
Compiegne, assessor at the trial of 
Joan of Arc, 148, 222 

Daniel, English writer, 300 

Darmesteter, M., cited, 300 

Daron, Peter, attorney, 283 

Daval, William, priest, at the trial 
for rehabilitation, 281 

David, Jesuit priest, 291 

De Champcoux, John, burgher of 
Orleans, 273 

De Commy, Cosm^, burgher of Or- 
leans, 273 

Delachambre, William, assessor at the 
trial of Joan of Arc, 149 ; at the 
trial for rehabilitation, 278 ; Joan 
of Arc's doctor, ib. 

Delavigne, Casimir, his poems on 
Joan of Arc, 307 

Desjardins, Abel, biographer of Joan 
of Arc, 299 

Desnoyers, dramatist, 308 

Despres, John, 257 

Domremy, birthplace of Joan of 
Arc, 3 

Du Bellay, French writer, cited, 285, 

Dubesert, canon at Rouen, assessor at 
the trial of Joan of Arc, 148 ; at 
the trial for rehabilitation, 282 

Duchemin, canon, assessor at the 
trial of Joan of Arc, 148 

Du Due, Fronton, his tragedy on 
Joan of Arc, 306 

Du Fay, Geoffrey, knight, 261 

Dufresnoy, Abbe I,onglet, his Life of 
Joan of Arc, 292 

Du Lys, Charles, descendant of the 
Arc family, 290 

Dumas, Alexandre, his Life of Joan 
of Arc, 297 

Dunois, Bastard of Orleans, com- 
mander of the French troops in 
Orleans, 36, 40 ; interview with 
Joan of Arc at Reuilly, 5 1 ; goes to 
Blois to bring up reinforcements, 
54 ; attacks the Tournelles, 62, 75 ; 
testifies to the military talents of 
Joan, 95 ; at the trial for rehabilita- 
tion, 266 

Durement, Abbot of Fecamp, assessor 
at the trial of Joan of Arc, 148 

Edward III. of England, i 

Emenyart, assessor at the trial of 
Joan of Arc, 149, 212 

Epinal, Gerardin d', village com- 
panion of Joan of Arc, 89, 258 

Epinal, Isabellette d', friend of Joan 
of Arc, 258 

Erard, William, canon of Beauvais, 
assessor at the trial of Joan of 
Arc, 149 ; opposed to applying 
the torture to her, 224 ; preaches 
on the occasion of Joan's abjura- 
tion, 230, 232 

Erault, John, 35 





Esbalny, Jacques 1', burgher of Or- 
leans, 273 

Estelin, Beatrix d', godmother of Joan 
of Arc, 258 

Estivet, John d', surnamed ' Bene- 
dicite,' at trial of Joan of Arc, 143 

Estouteville, Cardinal d', 254 

Fabre, Joseph, historian, cited, 164, 
258, 266, 284 ; his works on Joan 
of Arc, 299 

Fabyan, Robert, English writer, 299 

Farciaux, Robert de, canon, 274 

Fastolfe, Sir John, at the siege of 
Orleans, 43 ; sent to Jargeau to 
reinforce Suffolk, 75 ; joins forces 
with Talbot, 78 ; defeated at the 
battle of Patay, 80 ; disgraced, 100 

Fauconbridge, clerk of the French 
Parliament, quoted, 68 

Fave, Jean, Master of Requests, 284 

Feuillet, Gerard, assessor at the trial 
of Joan of Arc, 146 

Fevre, Le, assessor at the trial of Joan 
of Arc, 149 

Fiexvet, assessor at the trial of Joan 
of Arc, 149 

Flavigny, William de, governor of 
Compiegne, 121, 123, 124 ; his sup- 
posed treachery towards Joan, 127 

Fontaine, John de la, at the trial of 
Joan of Arc, 143 ; secretly examines 
her in prison, 188 ; flies from the 
wrath of Couchon, 194 

Fournier, Jean, priest, testifies in 
favour of Joan of Arc, 16 

France, state of, in 1420, I 

France, Martin le, 302 

Franquet d' Arras, English freebooter, 
captured liy Joan of Arc, 120 

Fremiet, sculptor, no 

Frique, Abbot of Bee, assessor at the 
trial of Joan of Arc, 148 

Fuller, Thomas, 300 

Fumeux, Jean le, priest, testifies to 
the piety of Joan of Arc, 17 ; at the 
trial for rehabilitation, 262 

Gargrave, Sir Thomas, mortally 
wounded in the attack on Orleans, 

Garin, canon, assessor at the trial of 
Joan of Arc, 148 

Garivel, Francis, at the trial for re- 
habilitation, 264 

Gastinel, canon, assessor at the trial 
of Joan of Arc, 148, 224 

Gaucourt, Raoul de, Grand Master of 
the King's Household, 40 ; closes 
the Burgundy Gate at Orleans 
against Joan of Arc, 61, 75 ; at 
the trial for her rehabilitation, 268 

Gerard, Henriette, friend of Joan of 
Arc, 258 

Giresme, Nicolas de, knight of Rhodes, 
in the attack on the Tournelles, 

Glansdale, Sir William, succeeds 
Salisbury in the command of the 
English forces before Orleans, 42, 
59 ; drowned in the Loire, 65 

Gloucester, Duke of, English Pro- 
tector, loi 

Godart, Raoul, canon at Rouen, 274 

Godefroy, Denis, 291 

' Godon,' the French sobriquet for the 
English, 61 

Gounod, 309 

Grasset, Peter, governor of La Charite, 

Graverent, John, Dominican priest 
and Grand Inquisitor of France, at 
the trial of Joan of Arc, 143 

Graville, De, 58 

Green, J. R. , 300 

Greene, Robert, dramatist, 305 

Gris, John, English knight, personal 
attendant on Joan of Arc, 149, 

Grouchet, Richard de, priest, 282 
Guerdon, assessor at the trial of Joan 

of Arc, 149 
Guesdon, Laurent, clerk and advocate 

to the lay court of Rouen, 284 
Guillemeth, playmate of Joan of Arc, 






Guthrie, his Life of Joan of Arc, 

Haillon, French writer, 2S9 

Ilaiton, William, English priest, as- 
sessor at the trial of Joan of Arc, 
148, 222, 224 

Hall, English historian, quoted, for 
the delivery of Orleans, 66, 299 

Harcourt, Christophe d'. Bishop of 
Castres, confessor of Chirles VII., 

Henry II. of England, 25 
Henry III. of England, his death at 

Chinon, 25 
Henry V. of England, his position 

in P'rance in 1420, i, 39 
Henry VI. of England, 100, 137 
Herrings, the battle of the, 44 
Ililaire, John, burgher of Orleans, 

Hire, La, 40 ; persuaded to break off 

swearing by Joan of Arc, 46 ; assists 

in the attack on the Tournelles. 62 ; 

leads the van at the battle of Patay, 

80 ; accompanies Charles VII. to 

Rheims, 85 
Ilolinshed, English writer, 299 
Hordal, John, descendant of the Arc 

family, 291 
Houppeville, Nicolas de, doctor of 

theology, 278 
Hue, Peter, burgher of Orleans, 273 

Illiers, Florent d', 53 

Ingres, his picture of Joan of Arc, 

Inquisition, the, resolve to prosecute 
Joan of Arc as a sorceress and idola- 
tress, 130 

Jacquard, playmate of Joan of Arc, 

Jacquier, native of Domremy, 261 
Jacquier, Guillot, 262 

Joan of Arc, her birth and parent- 
^6^1 3 ; Iisr amiable character, 
5 ; devotion to religious duties, 
6 ; first visions, 7 ; her belief 
in their reality, 8 ; interviews with 
Baudricourt, 11, 14; visits Duke 
Charles of Lorraine, 17 ; her popu- 
larity at Vaucouleurs, 18; her equip- 
ment, 19 ; sets out for Chinon, 
20 ; opposed by La Tremoille, 24 ; 
arrival at Chinon, 25 ; interview 
with the King, 26 ; favourably 
impresses him, 29 ; trains herself 
in military exercises, 30 ; examined 
at Poitiers before the French Parlia- 
ment, 32 ; her mission sanctioned, 
35 ; prepares her standard, 37 ; 
arrives at Blois, 46 ; despatches a 
letter to the Duke of Bedford, 47 ; 
her interview with Dunois before 
Orleans, 51 ; enthusiastic entry into 
the city, 52 ; summons the English 
to surrender, 53 ; meets Dunois 
with the relieving forces, 55 ; her 
first engagement, 57 ; carries the 
Bastille des Augustins, 59 ; pro- 
phesies she will be wounded, 60 ; 
leads the attack on the Tournelles, 
62 ; wounded, 63 ; rallies the waver- 
ing French, 64; c mpels the English 
to raise the siege, 65 ; returns to 
Chinon, 69 ; urges Charles VII. to 
go to Rheims, 70 ; leads the ex- 
pedition on the Loire, 73 ; storms 
and takes Jargeau, 75 ; gains the 
battle of Patay, 80 ; sets out for 
Rheims with Charles, 84 ; the 
enforced halt before Troyes, 85 ; 
expresses her fear of treachery, 89 ; 
at the King's coronation in Rheims 
cathedral, 91 ; her military talents, 
94 ; her humane conduct in war, 
96 ; ennobled by Charles, 98 ; ad- 
vises the latter to march on Paris, 
lOT ; writes to the Duke of Bur- 
gundy for assistance, 102 ; resolves 
to attempt to take Paris, 107 ; her 
impetuous onslaught, 109 ; again 





wounded, l lo ; deposits her armour 
and arms in the fane of Saint 
Denis, 113; assaults and captures 
the fortress of Saint Pierre-le- 
Moutier, 115; fails to take La 
Charite, 117; her simplicity and 
freedom from egotism, ib. ; captures 
an English freebooter and his band 
at Lagny, 120; received with joy 
in Compi^gne, 122 ; attacks the 
Eurgundians at Margny, 124 ; 
driven back from Clairvoix, 124; 
taken prisoner, 125 ; removed to 
the castle of Beaulieu, in Picardy, 
129 ; handed over to Peter 
Cauchon, 133 ; attempts to escape, 
135, 136 ; delivered to the English, 
138 ; taken to Rouen, 141 ; bar- 
barously treated, 142; demands that 
her judges should be equally divi- 
ded in nationality, 153; her answers 
to Cauchon and Beaupere, 154 sq. ; 
secretly interrogated in prison, iSS ; 
continued maltreatment, 196 ; the 
twelve articles on which her con- 
demnation was founded, 207 ; falls 
ill in prison, 214 ; again interrogated 
by Cauchon, 215 ; threatened with 
torture, 221 ; condemned by the 
University of Paris, 225 ; her ab- 
juration, 228 sq. ; discards her male 
attire, 236 ; roughly treated by her 
guard, ib. ; her forgiving nature, 
239 ; is apprised of her fate, 243 ; 
upbraids Cauchon, ib. ; confesses 
and receives the sacrament, 244 ; 
pardons Loiseleur, 246 ; handed 
over lo the secular powers, 24S ; 
implores pardon for her enemies, 
ib. ; her martyrdom, 250 ; the trial 
for her rehabilitation, 253 sq. 

Jocab, Dominic, curate, 261 

Jolivet, Abbot of St. Michel's Mount, 
Normandy, assessor at the trial of 
Joan of Arc, 148 

Jollois, historian, 297 

Jonqualt, Peter, burgher at Orleans, 

Jonson, Ben, cited for the authorship 
of the First Part of JHn^ Hcniy 

VI; 304 
Jouvenel des Ursins, John, Archbishop 
of Rheims, appointed commissioner 
for the rehabilitation of Joan of Arc, 

Joyart, Mengette, friend of Joan of 
Arc, 258 

Labb^, Abbot of Saint George de 
Bocherville, assessor at the trial of 
Joan of Arc, 148 

Laclopss^, Bertrand, thatcher, 261 

Ladvenu, Martin, Dominican priest, 
assessor at the trial of Joan of Arc, 
149; ciled for her brutal treatment 
in prison, 238 ; sent to apprise her of 
her fate, 243 ; receives her confes- 
sion and administers the sacrament, 
244 ; attends her to execution, 245 ; 
at the trial for her rehabilitation, 

La Fontaine, biographer of Joan of 
Arc, 299 

Laiguise, John, Bishop of Troyes, 
offers to capitulate Troyes to King 
Charles VIL, 88 

Lamartine, 299 

Landor, Walter Savage, 300 

Langart, John de, godfather of Joan 
of Arc, 258 

Laval, Count Guy de, cited, 73 ; ac- 
companies the King to Rheims, Sj 

Laxart, Durand, cousin of Joan of 
Arc, 1 1 ; at the trial for rehabilita- 
tion, 261 

Lebourg, William, prior, assessor at 
the trial of Joan of Arc, 148 

Le Cuin, playmate of Joan of Arc, 

Ledoux, canon, assessor at the trial of 
Joan of Arc, 148, 224 

Le France, Martin, French poet, 300 

Le Fevre, Jean, bishop, at the trial for 
rehabilitation, 276 

Lemaitre, Husson, coppersmith, 275 





Lemaitre, John, Dominican prior, 
assessor at the trial of Joan of Arc, 
I43> 157. 188, 224 

Lenozoles, John de, priest, 282 

Lepage, Bastien, his picture of Joan 
of Arc, 12 

Leroux, abbot of Jumieges, assessor 
at the trial of Joan of Arc, 148 

Leroy, canon, assessor at the trial of 
Joan of Arc, 148 

Lessarmentrer, Mauger, chief torturer 
of Rouen, at the trial for rehabilita- 
tion, 282 

Ligny, John de, 128 ; transfers Joan 
of Arc to his castle of Beaurevoir, 
135 ; delivers her into the hands of 
the Duke of Burgundy, 137 ; taunts 
her in prison, 142 

Lisle, Lancelot de, at the siege of 
Orleans, 43 

Loheac, Seigneur de, accompanies 
Charles VIL to Rheims, 85 

Lohier, John, threatened by Cauchon 
for his sympathy with Joan of Arc, 

Loiseleur, Nicolas, canon of Rouen, 
assessor at the trial of Joan of Arc, 
146; his infamous conduct, ib., 
197 ; his remorse, 199 ; intent on 
torture, 222, 224 ; seeks to effect 
her abjuration, 227, 232, 235 ; asks 
pardon of her, 246 

Lombard, Jean, professor of theology, 

Longueil, Richard de. Bishop of Cou- 
tances, appointed a commissioner 
for the rehabilitation of Joan of Arc, 


Luce, Simeon, cited, 14, 299 

Luillier, John, at the trial for re- 
habilitation, 272 

Luxembourg, John of, 106 

Luxembourg, Louis of, Bishop of 
Th^rouanne, in command of the 
English soldiers in Paris, 107 ; con- 
sents to the sale of Joan of Arc to 
the English, 133 ; an assessor at 
the trial of the Maid, 144 

Machot, Gerard, Bishop of Castres, 32 

Mackintosh, Sir James, 300 

Ma9on, Robert de, 71 

Macquelonne, the Bishop of, 32 

Macy, historian, cited, 142 

Macy, Aimonde de, soldier, 283 

Mahon, Lord, 300 

Mailly, John de. Bishop of Noyon, 
assessor at trial of Joan of Arc, 144 ; 
at the trial for rehabilitation, 276 

Manchon, William, assessor at the trial 
ofjoanof Arc, 144, 151, 157, 209; 
cited for the brutal treatment of her 
guard, 237, 238 ; at the trial for 
rehabilitation, 279 

.Mansier, canon, assessor at the trial 
of Joan of Arc, 148 

Marcel, John, 284 

' Margette,' the, 24 

Marguerie, canon at Rouen, assessor 
at the trial of Joan of Arc, 148, 
222, 224, 282 

Marie, Thomas, priest, 282 

Marin, Captain, cited, 112, 127 

Martigny, Louis de, 216 

Martin, Henry, historian, 298 

Martyn, English writer, 300 

Masle, Du, Abbot of Saint Ouen, 
assessor at the trial of Joan of Arc, 

Masnier, playmate of Joan of Arc, 259 

Massieu, John, assessor at the trial 
of Joan of Arc, 144, 151, 153 ; 
grants her permission to kneel at 
the prison chapel door, 197, 222 ; 
urges her to abjure, 232 ; cited for 
the brutal treatment of her guard, 
237, 249 ; at the trial for rehabilita- 
tion, 280 

Maurice, Peter, 243 

Metz, Jean de, becomes acquainted 
with Joan of Arc, 14 ; escorts her 
to Chinon, 19 ; at the trial for re- 
habilitation, 261 

Mezarie, historian, 291 

Michelet, cited, 3, 82, I2r, 131, 187, 
199, 236, 238, 291 ; his Life of 
Joan of Arc, 297 





Midi, Nicolas, D.D., assessor at the 

trial of Joan of Arc, 146 ; his ser- 
mon on the eve of Joan's death, 246 
Migiet, Peter, Prior of Longueville, 

assessor at the trial of Joan of Arc, 

148 ; at the trial for rehabilitation, 

Milet, Peter, 274 
Moen, John, of Domremy, 261 
Monstesch^re, John de, master gunner 

at the siege of Orleans, 43 
Monstrelet, Enguerrand de, cited, 

46, 129; the most eminent writer 

against Joan of Arc, 289 
Montaigne, cited, 12 
Montgomery, commands the English 

forces before Compiegne, 123 
Montjeu, Philibert de. Bishop of Cou- 

tances, assessor at the trial of Joan 

of Arc, 145 
Moreaux, John, burgher of Rouen, 284 
Morel, Aubert, canon, assessor at the 

trial of Joan of Arc, 148, 222, 224 
Morel, John, village companion of 

Joan of Arc, 8g 
Morel de Greux, John, godfather of 

Joan of Arc, 258 
Morellet, canon, assessor at the trial 

ofjoanof Arc, 148 
Moret, Abbot of Preaux, assessor at 

the trial of Joan of Arc, 148 
Morice, Peter, canon at Rouen, 

assessor at the trial of Joan of 

Arc, 146, 226 
Mystery play, the French, on Joan 

of Arc, 301 

Nicolas v., Pop", opposed to the 
rehabilitation of Joan of Arc, 254 

Paris, Martial de, French poet, 301 

Paris, University of. See University 

Parliament, French, at Poitiers, 31 ; 
examine Joan of Arc, 32 ; sanction 
her mission, 36 

Pasquerel, Jean, cited, 27, 37 ; at the 
trial for rehabilitation, 268 

Pasquier, Stephen, French juriscon- 
sult, 290 

Patay, the battle of, 80 

Perrin le Brassier, bell-ringer of Dom- 
remy, 260 

Petitot, 291, 292 

Pierre, Isambard de la, Dominican 
priest, assessor at the trial of Joan 
of Arc, 149, 151 ; his sympathy 
for her, 195, 224, 235 ; cited for 
the brutal treatment of her guard, 
238 ; attends her last moments, 
245, 249, 251 ; at the trial for 
rehabilitation, 280 

Pinchon, canon, assessor at the trial 
of Joan of Arc, 148 

Pisan, Christine de, poetess, 301 

Poitiers, the Great Hall of, 31 ; the 
Bishop of, 32 

Pole, John de la, at the siege of 
Orleans, 43 

Pole, William de la. See Suffolk, the 
Earl of 

Postel, William, French writer, 290 

Postian, William, burgher of Orleans, 


Pougoulat, 292 

Poulangy, Bertrand de, 11 ; escorts 
Joan of Arc on her journey to 
Chinon, 19 ; at the trial for re- 
habilitation, 261 

Prevosteau, advocate, at the trial for 
rehabilitation, 256 

Orleans, the siege of, begun by the Quicherat, historian, cited, 24, 55, 

English, 13 ; enthusiasm of the 291 ; his literary labours, 292 

people of, for Joan of Arc, 36 ; its Quincey, De, 300 

defences, 39 ; horrors of the siege, 

45 ; the siege raised, 66, 68 

Ourche, Albert d', knight, 261 Rabelais, connection with Chinon, 25 





Rabuteau, Maitrejean, Parliamentary 

Advocate-General, 32 
Radley, English officer, 107 
Raimond, page of Joan, 37 
Rainguesson, John, godfather of Joan 

of Arc, 25S 
Rais, Seigneur de, 47, 75 ; accom- 
panies Charles VII. to Rheims, 85 
Regnault, William, captures the Earl 

of Suffolk at Jargeau, 77 
Rheims, coronation of Charles VII. 

at, 9 1 
Rheims, the Archbishop of. See Char- 

tres, Regnault de 
Richard, Father, his interview with 

Joan of Arc, 86 
Richarville, Guillaume de, 274 
Richemont, Constable de, joins the 

army of the Loire, 78 
Richer, Edmond, doctor of theology, 

Rochelle, Catherine de la, her deceit 

exposed by Joan of Arc, 118 
Roger, Denis, burgher of Orleans, 

Roquier, John, priest, 282 
Rotslaer, Sire de,^ cited, 60 
Rouillart, William, burgher of Orleans, 

Roussel, 224 
Rouvray, the Battle of the Herrings 

near, 44 
Royer, Henry and Joan le, 261 

Savoy, Duke of, 106 

Scales, Lord, at siege of Orleans, 42 

Schiller, his Jungfrau von Orleans, 

Sequier, Dominican monk, 32 ; ques- 
tions Joan, 33 ; at the trial for 

rehabilitation, 263 
Shakespeare and the character of Joan 

of Arc, 301, 3C9 
Sionne, Etienne de, curate, 260 
Sismondi, historian, 296 
Solera, 309 
Sorel, Agnes, 52 
Soumet, dramatic poet, 308 
Southey, cited, 306 ; his heroic poem 

on Joan of Arc, 307 
Stafford, Lord, visits Joan of Arc in 

prison, 142 
Sterling, John, 300 
Stern, Daniel, French authoress, 308 
Stow, historian, 299 
Stuart, John, Constable of Scotland, 

killed at the battle of the Herrings, 


Stuart, William, brother of the Con- 
stable of Scotland, killed at the 
battle of the Herrings, 45 

Suffolk, William de la Pole, Earl of, 
commands the English forces before 
Orleans, 43 ; confronts the French 
at Jargeau, 75 ; defeated and cap- 
tured, 77 

Sainte-Beuve, cited, 2 ; on Walton's 

biography of Joan of Arc, 298 
Saint-Mesmin, Aignan de, burgher of 

Orleans, 273 
Saint-Prix, Berriat, historian, 293 ; 

his itinerary of the last three years 

of the life of Joan of Arc, ib. 
Saint-Severe, Marshal. See Boussac. 
Salisbury, commands the English 

forces before Orleans, 40 ; mortally 

wounded, 42 
Saulx, canon, assessor at the trial of 

Joan of Arc, 148 

Talbot, Lord, at the siege of Orleans, 
42 ; withdraws his forces, 67 ; joins 
hands with Fastolfe, 78 ; defeated 
and taken prisoner, 80 

Talbot, William, attendant on Joan 
of Arc, 149, 157 

Taquel, Nicolas, assessor at the trial 
of Joan of Arc, 144 ; at the trial for 
rehabilitation, 280 

Th^pelin de Viteau, Jeannette, god- 
mother of Joan of Arc, 258 

Theroude, Abbot of Mortemer, assessor 
at the trial of Joan of Arc, 148 

Thevenin le Royer, of Domremy, 261 





Theverien, Jeannette, godmother of 

Joan of Arc, 258 
Thibault, Gobert, 32, 264 
Thierry, Reginald, court physician, 

Thou, James de, burgher of Orleans, 


Tilloy, Jamet de, French knight, 36 

Tiphanie, assessor at the trial of Joan 
of Arc, 149, 278 

Touraine, James de, assessor at the 
trial of Joan of Arc, 146 

Toutmouille, John, apprises Joan of 
Arc of her fate, 243 ; at the trial for 
rehabilitation, 281 

Tremoille, George de la, minister of 
Charles VII. , 23 ; tries to thwart 
Joan of Arc in her mission, 24, 30, 
55, 112 ; alarmed at her ever-grow- 
ing popularity, 83 ; accompanies 
the King to Rheims, 85, 128 

Troyes, the treaty of (1420), I 

Troyes, John de, senior of the Faculty 
of Theology in the University of 
Paris, 224 

University of Paris, aid in the pro- 
secution of Joan of Arc, 130 ; con- 
stitution of the, 134 ; recommend 
the removal of Joan to Paris, 140 ; 
their decision regarding her guilt, 

Vaillant, Peter, burgher c.f Orleans, 

Vaux, Pasquier de, canon, one of the 

tribunal on the trial of Joan of Arc, 

Venderes, Nicolas de, canon of Rouen, 

assessor at the trial of Joan of Arc, 

147, 222, 225 
Vend6me, Comte de. Chamberlain to 

Charles VII., 27, 75 ; accompanies 

the King to Rheims, 85 
Verdi, 307 

Vernon, Raoul Roussel de, reporter 

at the trial of Joan of Arc, 147 
Versailles, Pierre de, 35 
Veuillot, on Wallon's Life of Joan of 

Arc, 298 
Viennne, Colet de, escorts Joan of 

Arc to Chinon, 19 
Villars, French knight, 36 
Villaume, biographer of Joan of Arc, 

Villon, Fran9ois, his lines on Joan of 

Arc, 302, 308 
Viole, Aignan, advocate, 274 
Virey, his tragedy on Joan of Arc, 306 
Virgile, Polydore, French writer, 290 
Viriville, Vallet de, 291 
Volant, John, burgher of Orleans, 272 
Voltaire, cited, 285 ; his Piicelle, 

306, 309 

Wallon, historian, cited, 46, 126, 

210, 211, 227, 297 
Wandome, the Bastard of, 128 
Warwick, Earl of, visits Joan of Arc 
in prison, 142 ; threatens Isambard 
de la Pierre for his sympathy with 
her, 196 ; demands that she should 
be saved from a natural death, 214; 
enraged at the prospect of her re- 
lease, 235 
Waterin, playmate of Joan of Arc, 259 
Waverin, English officer, cited for the 
English loss at the battle of Patay, 
Winchester, Henry Beaufort, Bishop 
of, arrives in Paris with his army, 
101 ; retains Peter Cauchon to pro- 
secute Joan of Arc, 132 ; his scheme 
for this purpose, 137 ; at the abjura- 
tion of Joan, 229 ; weeps over her 
fate, 248 

Xaintrailles, 40, 47 ; accompanies 
Charles VII. to Rheims, 85 ; taken 
prisoner, 125